were to expose herself to more punishment, | moderation of our negotiations have proved she would lose the means of imposing on the as profitable to us as the valor of our arms. world; for it is with Powers as with individuals, and the broken state, like the broken man, can make no dupes when credit is gone.

Already the working of the Russian game is perceptible in the tone of the French press, which has a dash of asperity towards England. We refer not to the journals in the interest of the Orleans family, always full of hate to the country that shelters them, but to other papers which have hitherto generously represented the cordial sentiments of the alliance. A change has come over them like a cloud. It is the forecast shadow of the coming Russian peace. This must not be. If the two nations be divided, Russia rules the world. The wisdom of France and England must counsel their hearty and unalterable union to avert this calamity, and Lord Palmerston stands marked out as the statesman in every respect the most fitted to preserve and improve the relations of amity with France, and to counteract all artifices to undermine the alliance. He has been, by common consent, the best minister for war, and there is no better for peace - such peace as it will be.

According to the Ministerial journals, this policy is to be totally changed. We are to enter into a negotiation for Peace with a determination to disconcert it. The ingenuity of our Ministers is to be exercised in driving a coach-and-six through the preliminaries they have agreed to. It is insinuated that the last article of the Peace Propositions, reserving to the Allies the right of bringing forward conditions not expressed, will afford opportunity for creating dissension at the approaching Conference, and for rendering it abortive. In the unwillingness expressed to suspend hostilities, and in the desire to protract formal proceedings, we see the dislike with which the prospect of Peace is regarded in certain quarters, and the hopes which it has baffled.

It is not wise to let this mortification appear so plainly. Prudence, if not principle, should counsel reserve. Cannot the Ministerialists see that just in proportion as they manifest reluctance to Peace they proclaim their own impotence in submitting to it? By their own choice they exhibit themselves as dragged in the train of a policy they are most anxious to oppose, and they lower the influence of this country by representing it as bound in the same chain of necessity, and as sharing their degradation.

Lord.

From The Press (Disraeli-Tory), 26 Jan. ENGLAND, in her path to greatness and Events have arrived at a point entirely renown, has not been exempt from vicissi- beyond their control. In all the affairs of life, tude. She has been engaged in wars which that party which, against its will and its were almost uniformly disastrous, and has convictions, consents to a certain course of been compelled to subscribe treaties humili-action, is no longer a free agent, and can ating to her power. Great statesmen living exercise no controlling or moderating power in her dark days have despaired of her for- until some marked change occurs. tunes. Chatham believed that her sun Palmerston's Cabinet never believed in the would set forever when she recognized the probability of Peace; they made no provision independence of her revolted colonies, and for it; they have been surprised by combiPitt died broken-hearted after the battle of nations they did not expect; and, for the Austerlitz. But in her greatest extremity very reason that they are known to be hosshe never sought safety in diplomatic subter- tile to that purpose which the Conference fuge. She has constantly preserved her good will assemble to carry into effect, they will faith free from stain, and has negotiated as find their sentiments regarded with distrust fairly as she has fought. Her dealings with by the other Powers, and will exercise no her enemies have been so frank and plain real authority in the decisions which are that she has been ridiculed by continental taken. politicians for wanting that subtlety of spirit on which they pride themselves. We have been content to accept the reproach as a compliment. Our blundering honesty, as they esteem it, has stood us in better stead than all the wiles of their refined artifice. Proficients in diplomatic evasion will have it that we never concluded a peace without being cheated of the advantages we had a right to expect. Yet it has nevertheless happened that we have commonly attained our objects. In the end, the directness and

The difficulties raised on their part to the conclusion of a definitive Treaty amount to nothing. They will never rise to greater force than to a petulant and undignified obstruction. They have committed themselves to certain principles of settlement, and Russia, by unconditionally accepting them, has distinctly signified to the world that she accepts their fair and legitimate consequences. Than this, nothing more can be desired.

It would have been more satisfactory had the last article bore on its face the conditions

which the Allies proposed to introduce. But out, when he declared that there were " prac though not expressed, we must suppose that tical, sound, and solid means, by which the they were understood and settled by the Al- great problem in modern politics could be lies; that they were communicated to Austria solved." It will confine the Russian empire when the text of the Propositions was agreed within definite limits; it will protect Westto; and that they were not kept secret from the ern Europe from apprehension of Cossack Court of St. Petersburg. They form part of encroachment; will secure the Turkish terthat arrangement to which Russia has as-ritory; and will afford a salutary lesson to sented, and on neither side can more or less be expected than that they shall receive a fair and reasonable interpretation.

the world that no State, however mighty, shall be permitted to increase its power by other means than those pacific and beneficent influences which, in proportion as they extend, must be productive of good to the whole family of mankind.

From The Spectator, 26 Jan.

TIATIONS.

The part of England in the negotiation must necessarily rest with our government, but the country and the Parliament will stand by and see that there is fair play. Nothing will depend on the private wishes of individual Ministers, or even of collective Cabinets. Whatever they may say through their jour- PARLIAMENT AND THE PEACE NEGOnals, they will be compelled to act honestly. Their course is marked out for them, and in PERSONS of less bureaucratic tendency than it they must straightly walk. We do not even English Cabinet Ministers might well anticipate that they will make any effort to be excused for regretting that the opening escape from their position. Watchful eyes of the Parliamentary Session will be nearly are upon them, and any attempt to evade contemporaneous with the opening of the their engagements would only expose their Conferences which are to decide whether weakness, and cover them with disgrace. peace or war is to be the destiny of Europe It has been foolishly argued that the pro- this year, and perhaps many years to come. posals are Austrian, and that the allied Gov- The management of the complicated interernments are not bound by them. The pro- ests and delicate susceptibilities of the Westposals are Austrian only in the sense that ern Allies, the caution, the reticence, and Austria was the medium through which they the firmness, necessary in dealing with a were conveyed. They were strictly the pro- crafty antagonist, are not easily united with posals of the Allies. Each article was con- the openness and facility of communication sidered by them, and its import weighed. demanded of a Minister by the British ParThe only article which properly belongs to liament, or with the tendency of Parliament Austria is that relating to the rectification of to discuss, criticize, and inquire into all the Russian frontier. It will be vain for our matters in which the country is interested. Government to plead that they are not Yet the Minister must neither injure the inbound by their own terms for no better rea-terests of the alliance, and give the antagoson than that they did not expect those nist an advantage, by absolute unreservedterms would be accepted. The Peace will ness of communication, nor, on the other be so far theirs that they have acceded to its conditions, and their wiser part would seem to be to close with it frankly to forward, not retard its conclusion, and, as soon as it can be done with honor and safety, to arrange an armistice which would assure the tranquillity of Europe, and guard against any unnecessary effusion of blood.

hand, offend the Houses of Parliament, and raise the suspicions of the country, by bureaucratic reserve and haughty silence. Lord Palmerston will want all his reputed tact to steer clear of those opposite dangers. But better than any mere tact, the safest weapon of an English Minister placed in such a position is frankness, which, so far The reception which the Peace will meet as information can be made public with due with from Parliament is scarcely doubtful. | regard to the interests of the country, atThe Conservative party will meet the Legis- tempts no concealment and puts on no airs lature more united in sentiment and stronger of statecraft, but at the same makes no prein numbers than it has been since it was bro-tence of stating part of the truth as the ken up by Sir Robert Peel on the question whole truth, and is particularly careful of of the Corn Laws. Differences of opinion may prevail among so large a body of independent members, but we think we may venture to assert that on the question of the Peace, the Government will receive the sup

port
of this great party. It is the kind of
Peace which Mr. Disraeli, in his speech of
the 8th of June, in last session, shadowed

allowing false impressions to be received from its half-revelations. It may often happen that the whole truth cannot safely be told at particular times, but honor and policy alike forbid false statements to be made to Parliament by a responsible Minister, and the events of last summer may teach Ministers how even a fraudulent suppressio veri is

regarded out of the immediate circle of party | remembers the bearing of Russia at that leaders and their hangers-on.

time and since, can be reasonably dissatisfied What the House of Commons and the with them, if they are what the newspapers country have a right to look for from Lord generally represent them to be. Englishmen Palmerston is this statesmanlike frankness. may indeed regret that their navy, with all To adopt it at once on the meeting of Par- its vast appliances and improvements, has liament, is both the policy that his interest won no fresh laurels, and scarcely kept the suggests, and the treatment the previous greenness of its ancient wreaths; but that conduct of the nation throughout the strug- can be no motive for continuing a war begle deserves. It would consist-not in yond the attainment of its avowed objects, gratifying the mere gossiping curiosity of though it may be a very fair motive for reindividual Members to know every detail of fusing any terms that fall short of those obevery diplomatic transaction between the jects. And, if Russia has really and sindifferent Allied Governments since the close cerely consented to such terms as Austria is of the Vienna Conferences last year, but in generally supposed to have conveyed, the the plainest statement of the present situa- original objects of the war are attained as tion, the principles of the negotiation about far as they could be by force. So far as the to open, the views of the Allied Govern- independence of Turkey was threatened by ments in proceeding to a renewal of nego-Russia, the abolition of the Russian protectotiations, their resolves in case the negotia- rate of the Principalities-the rectification tions fail, and their calculation of the chances of the Bessarabian frontier, including the of success. The English nation can scarcely cession of Ismail and of the whole bank of be content to leave so important a negotia- the Danube -the abrogation of all the treation in the hands of the Executive except ties which gave Russia a claim to interfere they know exactly the limits within which with the Turkish Government on behalf of the results are uncertain, and capable of the Christians of the Greek rite- new regubeing modified by the discussions of the lations for the Black Sea, involving the supdiplomatists engaged in the conference. Lord pression of naval arsenals on its coasts, Palmerston may therefore be expected to these terms go far to atone for the original inform Parliament of the precise nature of outrage, and to secure Turkey in Europe the terms which Russia has in some sense against its renewal. We hear nothing, inaccepted as a basis of peace- of the precise deed, about Turkey in Asia; but a definition sense in which Russia has accepted them of the boundary will of course form a porof the amount of definite agreement that|tion of the treaty of peace, and its discussion exists between the Allied Governments as to will probably be involved in the fifth point, the details of the negotiation and the conduct which entitles the Allies to demand addithat is to follow alternative issues of the tional guarantees in the general interest of effect the negotiation is to be allowed to have Europe. And the fact that henceforth the upon military operations and preparations. Turkish empire-Asiatic as well as European Perhaps the most important and interest--will be included in the European system, ing of these points is, the amount of definite will be a guarantee that holds for Asia as agreement subsisting between the Govern- well as Europe. But to this point the House ments of France and England. Circum- of Commons will all the more eagerly direct stances and rumors alike indicate that the their interest, inasmuch as the progress of prospect of peace is more welcome to France Russia in Asia is supposed to be especially than to England. Parliament would like to an English question, and France is conjecknow whether this divergence of views goes tured-not without authentic grounds- to so far as to have induced the English Govern- feel but slight interest in checking a power ment to assent to terms unsatisfactory in that acts as a counterpoise to England in a themselves or less satisfactory than they region where France has scarcely got a footwould otherwise have insisted on. Still more ing. The policy of a nation may generally -and for more practical reasons- would be calculated from its own views of its inParliament be rejoiced to hear that perfect unanimity of views for the future exists between the two Governments, that the success or failure of the negotiation would equally maintain the cordiality of the Alliance, and that all details had been so fully discussed between its members as that no material difference of opinion could possibly emerge in the course of the negotiation. With respect to the terms themselves, no one who recalls the original objects of the war, and

terest; and to presume in such a case upon any superfluous generosity on the part of the French nation and Emperor would be puerile weakness in a British House of Commons, and something worse in a British Government, which knows or ought to know accurately the state of facts. There is one other stipulation supposed to be involved in the vague phraseology of the fifth point. Russia is not to re-fortify the Aland Islands This concession is a reward for Sweden's

modified adherence to the West; but in reality it is no less important for Europe at large that these posts, at once a symbol and a menace of aggressive schemes, should be disarmed. With these terms sincerely accepted by Russia, the Allies may well be content, and may consider their efforts to obtain them well rewarded. Russia has not been "crumpled up," but she has sustained uniform defeat, and has been unable to keep her strongholds out of the hands of her opponents. She is still powerful to resist, but the pressure has been sufficient to induce her to profess her readiness to accept terms, which the late Emperor Nicholas would, two years since, have sincerely believed it impossible could ever be proposed to him. Though Poland has not been reconstituted, nor constitutionalism been established throughout Russia, we cannot doubt that the cause of despotism has in Russia's defeat received a damaging blow, and that throughout Russia itself more correct notions of the relative power of the different states of Europe now prevail. Our gains, from whatever point of view they may be contemplated, are important, and worth the expense and efforts that have been layished to obtain them.

Perhaps even on the main question of all, whether Russia has sincerely accepted these terms, or whether her acceptance is a mere device-for gaining time, impeding the preparations of the Allies for next campaign, and taking the chance of a division among them, Government will be able to assure the House and the country. In any case, Parliament will demand the strongest assurances that any such dispositions on the part of Russia will be met and baffled, that military operations will not be suspended a moment beyond the conviction that Russia is playing this game, and that preparations will not be so interrupted by negotiation as to render a successful campaign this year impossible in case negotiations fail.

PEACE EJACULATIONS.

"I CAN'T understand it," said Admiral Lyons, when Louis Napoleon announced the news of peace.

"All I know is," said Cambridge, “I'm off for St. James'."

Prince Napoleon dropt two tears. "That," said he, as the first tear fell, "that is for Hungary; that for Poland."

66 "Peace!" cried Mark Lane. Dreadful! Why corn 'll come down to nothin'."

"Peace!" said John Bright. "Heaven be thanked! No more bloodshed- no more double Income-Tax-every man's vine and every man's fig, and what is more important than all, I'm safe for Manchester.'

"Peace with Russia!" cried Cobden. Of course; did n't I always say we should crumple her?"

"Peace!" said Sir Charles Napier; "then it 's no use a bullyragging Graham!"

"Peace!" cried Sir James; "then that claps a muzzle upon Napier!

"Peace! says Disraeli; "devilish provoking! And I wrote to support Pam in

the War!

66

"Peace!" cries Gladstone; "then I may yet be decorated with St. Vladimir.”

"Peace!" sighed Admiral Dundas; "then my dream 's all moonshine, and I shan't fish a coronet out of the Baltic."

"Peace!" mused Lord Derby; "then we must get rid of Pam. He can't now go to the country on any cry that we can't outcry him."

"Peace!" said Lord John Russell; "then I'll bring in my Reform Bill-kiss hands at Windsor- and, yes, perhaps I'll once more dine in the City."

"Peace!" said John Bull, with a somewhat soured look. "Peace! And all those beautiful gun-boats and all that was to have been in the Baltic-Cronstadt that was to have gone with a crash- the Malachite gates I was to have had for my counIf Lord Palmerston shall meet Parliament try-house from the pillage of Petersburgfrankly on these points, the good sense of the the Emperor who was to have been brought country and the House will protect him alike in a cage and Peace!" and again John from intrusive curiosity and factious criti-groaned; and then John, with a flashing cism. He will, if he satisfy Parliament on eye, and bringing down his fist like a mallet these points, have all the advantage in the on the mahogany, cried — “I tell you what; negotiation of an unanimous public opinion if it must be peace, that son of a bear, the at his back. a public opinion prepared to Rooshian, shall and must pay the bill." share with him the responsibility of peace or Mrs. Bull said, -"Peace! Why, of war, as knowing thoroughly the reasons course, John, he'll pay the bill." But which actuate the Government, and sympa- Mrs. Bull was always a discreet woman. thizing in its sentiments. The country de-She only said as much to mollify John: for, sires peace, for.it knows the evils and hazards as she afterwards owned to her neighbors, of war; but it prefers a continuance of war to a peace without honor, without security - for it has confidence in its power ulti-| mately to win a peace which shall promote both its glory and its interests.

--

they'd never get a penny of their IncomeTax back again; for the villains of Russians - she knew 'em! - would be let off without paying a farthing!"— Punch.

MRS. DURDEN'S VIEW OF PEACE.

THEY say we're to have Peace: I hope it is n't mere imagination;

For candles, brushes, string, and soap, has risen up to ruination :

And what we 've had to pay for bread! of War that gives one some idea,

Not to say nothing of the dead and wounded in that there Crimea.

Then there's that plaguy Income-Tax, that rides, as I may say, a-straddle,

And sticks upon our breaking backs just like a monkey in a saddle;

Which, if the War goes longer on, in course expenses will redouble,

And what we must depend upon is dearer things and further trouble.

But there! if I've a thing to do, my maxim always is to do it;

If I've a job for to go through, I makes my mind up to go through it.

washing,

"Tis all the same, I don't care what
or ironing, or scrubbing,
And if so be as we have got to give them Rooshans
there a drubbing.

I never leaves my work half done-a stocking
or a gownd half mended;

What has to be agin begun is twice the time afore 't is ended;

And what I finds with needlework is found, I'm certain sure, with nations;

So don't be led away to quirk and quiddle with

negotiations.

I would n't wish at all to fight, if we can help it, one more battle,

No more than Cobden or John Bright, or any of that sort of cattle.

Than me there's neither of the pair can wish less harm to anybody,

Although I own I can 't abear your nasty divil's
dust and shoddy.

Glad should I be of Peace restored, if 't was on
Poor me can very ill afford to pay for these here
safe and sound conditions;
expeditions.

But there it says, what must be must, and that
is what there's no denying,

Which in the same I puts my trust, the Pope and all his works defying;

And though it seems, to throw away our preparations like, distressin',

Yet still for Peace I hope and pray, for arter all it is a blessin'.

SCANDAL UPON LOUIS NAPOLEON.-There runs a story, Russian of course, that when cil, first learned the news of Russia's acceptLouis Napoleon, seated with the War Counance of peace, he was so affected that he swooned! It is a common figure of speech to knock a man down with a feather; but here is an Emperor of iron floored by a canard, a duck and that, too, a Russian duck. The the very most, it was only a feint. — Punch. Emperor, it may be certain, had no fit; at

PEACE.

BLIND and bleeding from the mélée, from the In the lists of the Crimea rest the knights athirst adust;

whirl of stroke and thrust,

See Sir Winter, that grim warder, down his icy truncheon fling

'Twixt the warriors, taking order for a truce until the spring.

Then, when emerald blade and blossom clothe
with life the naked plain,

Hand on throat, and blade to bosom, up, to
Death's work again!

We at home our task are urging, without rest for
head or hand;

We are hammering, casting, forging, pointing bayonet and brand;

Through the land war-toil's fierce clamors from morn to even swell,

In our dockyards ring the hammers, on our quays rise shot and shell;

Ready hands in ample purses, ready lives to feed the War

Bended brows and mutter'd curses, boding mischief to the Czar !