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atory." They were conceived in a spirit not | except as it affected her interests. This was of hostility to those of the Allies, but of the weak point in the Allied Propositions ; concord and agreement with them. The it was, moreover, a new point, and, by yieldsame objects were proposed, and Russia sub- ing it, the Cabinet of St. Petersburg has mitted what she believed might prove a more supplied a strong presumption that she is clear and satisfactory method of attaining not disposed to throw any obstacle in the them. It was admitted by the Times, on way of a definitive treaty. When principles Thursday last, that Russia had conceded of pacification are settled, that Power shows "the neutralization of the Black Sea; the the greatest wisdom which cedes points of no abolition of the Protectorate in Moldavia and essential importance, and smooths the way Wallachia; and of all right to interfere in for general agreement. The greatest modthe domestic affairs of the Ottoman Porte." eration may then be the highest magnanimity. Further, said our contemporary,-"The There is no longer any substantial obstacle language of the Emperor is mild and con- to the speedy establishment of peace, though ciliatory. He seems to have appreciated the much may yet depend on the spirit in which moderation of the terms proposed to him by the belligerent Powers meet to discuss the the Allies, and to have been willing to meet precise terms to be adopted. The Proposithem in a corresponding spirit." This is so tions accepted by Russia are drawn with true, that we have every reason to believe sufficient looseness to admit of plausible difthat the Russian modification of these terms ferences, if discussed in a jealous or hostile was considered satisfactory by the Govern- spirit. The last article, in particular, is so ments of Austria and France. But Austria extremely indefinite as to admit of any kind had engaged with the Allies that the Pro- of interpretation that the Allies may choose posals should really be an ultimatum; that to put upon it. Nothing can be made of a she would listen to no discussion on it; that Proposition which reserves to the Allies the she would receive no counter-proposals; and that she would withdraw her Ambassador unless Russia signified her acceptance within a prescribed time. She remained true to her engagement, and Count Esterhazy would undoubtedly have left St. Petersburg on the 18th, had not Russia previously notified her acceptance (pure et simple) of the Propositions with which he was charged. But the Against all apprehensions on this ground negotiation would probably have been taken we have to set the fact that Count Esterhazy up at the point where Austria had dropped held confidential communication with the it, as the belligerent Powers would have felt Cabinet of St. Petersburg, and that he extreme difficulty in justifying the continu- probably gave frank explanations of those ance of a mighty European war for any such parts of the propositions which were open to narrow-and, so far as they were personally doubt. We learn by the telegraph, that concerned, unimportant-object as the rec-on Thursday, "Count Nesselrode and Estertification of the Russian frontier on the side of the Danubian Provinces; more especially as it was understood that Russia was willing to withdraw from the mouths of the Danube, and from all interference with the navigation of that great watercourse.

right of introducing any conditions they may think proper. As a mere formality it would be utterly unimportant; but if, as is generally understood, it is intended to refer to a condition that no fortifications should again be raised on the Aland Islands, it would have been better to have had the condition distinctly expressed.

hazy signed at St. Petersburg a Protocol containing the conditions proposed by the Allies, as the formulation of the preliminaries of peace.' Nothing but treacherous design (of which there is no suspicion) or extreme wrong-headedness can now prevent the speedy conclusion of a treaty which, whatever objections may be urged to it in detail, must tend in its general scope to the security of Europe, and to the firmer establishment and wider extension of those principles of international equity which restrain the rage of conquest, and compel the mightiest nations to guide their foreign policy by plain rules of fairness and honesty.

As it is, we are saved from that period of doubt and perplexity which would have ensued had Russia abided by her counterproposals. Had she wished to place the Allies in a false position, and to embroil rather than clear the question, she might have done so by resisting the full extent of that cession of territory which was required from her. Neither in England nor in France would the war have been popular for an obIt is desirable that no time should now be ject which could not in any way appeal to lost in adjusting and signing preliminaries the sympathies or affect the interests of the of Peace." Until this be done, hostilities people, and which assuredly was not essen- must proceed, the preparations for war must tial to the integrity of the Turkish territory. continue, profuse expenditure must go on, The new frontier line was suggested by Aus-blood may be needlessly shed, the interests tria, and was of no European importance of commerce must be impaired, and the

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66 PURE AND SIMPLE.'

public mind of Europe be kept in a state of feverish suspense. Even as matter of finance, each day of doubt must cost this country two hundred thousand pounds. The time has arrived when the belligerent Powers must place confidence in each other's professions. There can be no other security for the maintenance of treaties; and, in this case, there is the less reason for mistrust, as neither party can hope to gain any advantage by deception. The pledge of Russia, frankly given to-day, must be as valid as if given three or six months hence. We should have to trust to her good faith then, why not trust to it now? As regards material guarantees, the Allies hold sufficient in their hands, and they will only be given up when Peace is formally, as it is already, we do not hesitate to say, virtually assured.

From The Press, 19 Jan.

-PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

Let the tricksy game begin
Where the honest never win,
And where England ever loses
What she gains with blows and bruises.
Always victor with the sword,
Always cheated at the Board.

Talk- but while the tricksters chatter,
We go on to storm and batter;
Eye at sight-hole, touch on trigger,
Push the War with doubled vigor;
Work the mortars, till the echo
Startles ev'n bemuddled CLIQUOT,
Till a blazing Cronstadt tells
Tales of England's Feast of Shells;
Till on Kars the Moon once more
Floats- beside the Tricolor.

If, while Freedom's sword is flashing,
And the tyrant's dens are crashing,
He, in downright earnest terror,
Sees, at length, his ghastly error;
Flings a truce-flag on the breeze,
And himself upon his knees;
Then we 'll talk of Terms and Basis,
And the Right Men in Right Places;
But the Trap last April set
Won't seduce again, just yet;
Vor

· præterea nihil VorLaunch your gun-boats, blast his docks! 26 Jan.

PUNCH.

From The Examiner, 19 Jan. PRESIDENT PIERCE'S MESSAGE.

WE are in possession of some authentic details, not yet placed before the public, connected with the acceptance by Russia of the Austrian proposals. The journey of Baron Seebach, the Minister of Saxony at the Court of Paris, to St. Petersburg, has excited much speculation. On his return to Paris, M. Seebach brought back from the Cabinet of St. Petersburg an unqualified acceptance of the Allied Propositions, on condition that France and England would treat directly with Russia, and not through Austria. This proposition was favorably regarded by the French Government. The Cabinet Council on Wednesday last was held to discriminate their friends from their eneto deliberate upon it, when we have reason mies. During a period of prolonged peace to believe Lords Palmerston and Clarendon grave mistakes in this respect may be made. insisted, against the opinions of the majority A great State may imagine that it commands of the Cabinet, on the Seebach proposition the world, and such shall be the tone of being rejected, as in their opinion another adulation adopted by habit towards it, that campaign was desirable. The astonishment as long as peace lasts its ignorance cannot of these statesmen at the acceptance by Russia of the Austrian propositions, after their rejection of the Seebach overture, may be imagined.

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A STATE of war at least enables countries

but endure. War alone reveals the truth, and what it may safely count upon. Russia has lately had good reason to know this,

and the Allies have not been without some startling illustrations of it.

Who would have believed a very few years since that in a great war England should be destined to find nothing but sympathies in France, and little but antipathies in Germany? And not in Germany only we have found such antipathies rampant among men of our own race, and speaking our own language. All of us at first made sure that American support must follow us in a contest with Russia, reasoning from the unmistakable fervency with which the popular feeling of America had shown itself when Hungary struggled for freedom and was so mercilessly put down. We were mistaken, however. All that was intelligent in America may have wished well to our cause, but

their voices have been overpowered by the and bearing throughout his mission were louder democratic voices throughout the studiously calculated to remove prejudice, to Union.

weaken every ground of hostility, and to It being thus matter of doubt how the place the relations of the two countries on States were really disposed to us, the Mes- the one true and permanent basis of showsage of the President was naturally looked ing that England has not a single interest for with more than usual anxiety. It has inimical to America, or one opinion really arrived, and will probably leave its readers adverse to her people. How eminently sucin the same condition of doubt as before. cessful he was in these endeavors, all acBut it makes one thing manifest. The state quainted with America can attest; and of relations with Great Britain is now the happily circumstances arose to favor his principal, if not the exclusive, subject of in- efforts for the settlement of one very difficult terest in American policy. Trivial as are question. In the project of a ship-canal the points of difference existing between the through Central America, England and the two countries, in themselves really not worth United States might meet upon a common more than a couple of sentences in ordinary ground. They had a joint interest in its times, in the present state of the world they being completed and secured from the exacmonopolize almost the whole of the Presi- tion of the people of those states, as well as dential Message. The great slavery question from the monopoly of each other. On this alone disputes with them a share of public basis Sir Henry Bulwer (pace the Quarterly attention.

Review, one of the ablest of modern diploFor the rest, the terms of the Message matists) went to work, and succeeded in acmust be considered in connection with the complishing a treaty by which Britain waived position of its author. With a Presidential its sovereignty over the Musquito shore, the election or re-election before him, it must territories and states through which the be taken less as an expression of General canal was to pass being neutralized and Pierce's opinion or policy, than as an appeal established under the joint protection of the to the particular sentiments which he be- two Powers. Any history of the mode in lieves to be at this time most prevalent which the functionaries of the United States throughout the Union. Just as fearful to have acted upon this treaty would be foreign offend the more sensible citizens of the Union to our present purpose. We should have by a tone of acrimony to England, as to but to recall the bombardment of Grey-Town alienate the groundlings " by seeming to if we wished to show how far the Americans make concessions to us, you may trace exact- themselves have kept to the letter and spirit ly the drift of almost each particular sen- of the treaty. But certainly we must think tence. While the points of difference are it unfortunate that because unwarranted and exaggerated for one class of hearers, another unexpected pretensions were put forth by class is propitiated by representing these as others, we should have thought it right or unlikely to lead to any serious or immediate prudent to resume some old ones of our own. results. In regard to both causes of quarrel And so the difference continues. In justice General Pierce would appear to be equally it should be added that the people and the desirous to avoid any present breach, and to rulers of those barbarous republics are hardly render impossible any complete accommoda- to be kept to even their own stipulations tion. That the head of a great commercial republic should thus desire to keep the prospect of a quarrel in posse over the heads of two great countries, would be inexplicable under any other system of government than that which prevails in America. But the statesmen of the Union are too often in the position of the physician whose interest it is not to heal the sore, or cure the malady, the continuation of which gives profit and importance to himself.

without the employment of language that will be always apt to savor of dictation. Gentle and forbearant conduct producing little but insults and contempt, abstinence and non-interference become difficult in such a region; and unless, therefore, the representatives of England and America are on their parts actuated by a sincere desire to agree, to be just, and to give no occasion for strife, disputes must be interminable.

Of the recruital grievance it does not seem The Nicaraguan dispute, which forms the that President Pierce can make much, though first great section of the Presidential Mes- he does his best. The American envoy in Bage, we must really characterize as a not London being understood to have generally creditable piece of diplomatic pettifogging, approved the scheme as likely to increase the If ever man devoted himself with zeal and bonds of amity between the countries, it can good faith to remove the chief causes of con- hardly now be said that it was pursued with tention between the United States and Eng- views of hostility or offence. It was unforland, it was Sir Henry Bulwer, when Min- tunate, was abandoned, was withdrawn. ister at Washington. IIis whole conduct General Pierce knows that nothing more

dered secure. The same arrangements prac-| agreed. There may be difficulties, but they tically include the freedom of the Danube. will be overcome. Peace is resolved on, and The third point-closing the Black Sea to to this great resolution all lesser resolutions ships of war of all nations-goes, perhaps, will give way. far beyond what Lord Aberdeen dreamed Of what nature will this Peace be? We possible in 1829; but forms an essential ele- believe that it will be solid and durable, ment in the rectification of the political and because it is founded on statesmanlike prin military relations between the Porte and ciples, and is extremely moderate in its Russia. The fourth point-which proposes to take care of the rights of the Christians without violating the independence or dignity of the Sultan-is conceived in a similar spirit, and touches a matter barely alluded to by Lord Aberdeen.

treaty with Turkey. The integrity of that State or territory of which Constantinople is the capital, will be jealously guarded by the leading Powers of Europe, whatever mutations the State itself may be destined to pass through.

terms. Russia is a young and ambitious empire. It has never yet known restraint or understood its true position as a member of the European family. Its southern possessions have up to this time never been brought within the scope of European policy. TurBut the Asian point, which occupies such key, from the peculiarity of its position and a prominent place in the Adrianople des- its faith, has hitherto been an outlying patch, finds no place in the Austrian propo- nation. The treaties between Russia and sitions. It may be among the unexpressed the Porte have been separate treaties, and special conditions of the fifth section; it the younger and stronger Power has enmust be in the minds of English statesmen. croached continually on the territory of its Lord Aberdeen accurately described the com- indolent neighbor. All that is now changed. manding position which Prince Paskiewitch Russia will never more make a separate had won for his sovereign in Turkish_Armenia. Nothing can be stronger than Lord Aberdeen's words-a position controlling the "destiny of Asia Minor." Even the gloomy prospect so painfully sketched in the current number of the Quarterly Review,* is but an amplification of the concise language uttered by the late Premier six-and-twenty years ago. Russian success in Asia is Russian success against Turkey par excellence; and it will be to little purpose that we block Russia out on the Bessarabian frontier, and exclude her from the Black Sea, if we leave the gates of Asia Minor in the hands of the Czar. Remember the words of Lord Aberdeen-Russia holds the keys both of the Persian and Turkish provinces; and whether she may be disposed to extend her conquests to the East or to the West, to Teheran or to Constantinople, no serious obstacle can arrest her progress. No doubt, it is felt by most of us that a British army would be a very "serious obstacle" to such a progress; that a British army would fight, perhaps a decisive contest, for the keys of the Persian and Turkish provinces. But the shame of the thing is that gross neglect in some quarter should have made it necessary to pay a heavy score of blood and treasure for the recovery of that which indolence, jealousy, and corruption have lost to Turkey.

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The Peace has another strong claim to attention. On no former occasion, save the close of the last great war, have both the opinion and might of Europe been so clearly arrayed on the side of right as on this 00casion. To this circumstance may be at tributed the shortness of the contest. And, as regards the future destinies of nations, it is surely most encouraging to find that the spread of civilization and knowledge has a direct tendency to shorten wars, by enlight ening opinion as to their real nature, and by arraying the stronger force on the side of the juster cause.

Those persons who maintain that because Russia has not been materially weakened she will seize the first favorable opportunity of renewing the struggle, have some reason on their side. Their position is intelligible, but it is not tenable. The Governments of Europe have declared against it. They hold out their hand to Russia, and are ready to repose confidence in her faith.

What if she deceives expectation? In that case the same sort of process will have again to be gone through. What we would insist on is, that the durability of Peace must always depend more on the general agree ment as to principles of international policy among the Governments of Europe, than on the temptations which time and circumstance may present to any one of those Govern ments to break from control and endanger the general equilibrium. Russia is in the position of a generous colt which has just

been broken in. There may still be danger | Above all, this War has destroyed for a of bolting or shying, but that danger is as-generation to come the miserable fallacies of suredly much less than it was.

We believe the Peace to be essentially wise and just. But how will it be received by the country? We fear with great dissatisfaction. The moderate terms we have obtained fall so far short of the expectations excited, that we shall not be surprised to find its conditions excite a frenzy of discontent. Deception of all kinds, but political deception in particular, commonly bears within itself the seeds of chastisement. Probably it will be so in this case.

that school of politicians who, in their silly eagerness for Peace, would deprive us of the arms which give us power to enforce it— who would rob us of our best possession and dearest birthright- our high place among the nations of the world-and expose us to become the scoff and prey of States with more martial instincts and keener insight into the nature of humanity and the history of mankind.

From The Press, 19 Jan. CONSERVATIVE PEACE.

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Who was it that deceived the people with false hopes? Who promised them enormous political results from the War? Who spoke WHEN, three months ago, The Press de of remodelling the map of Europe of clared that the time seemed favorable to pulling down ancient dynasties of wresting pacific negotiation, we were assailed with a the Crimea forever from Russia-of exciting storm of obloquy and reproach. All the a social and governmental revolution within thunder of the newspaper world was hurled her borders? Let these men answer at the against us, from the artillery of Printingbar of public opinion for their declarations, house square to the pop-guns of the evening and let them stand convicted of the grossest and weekly prints. We said in the first ininsincerity or the simplest folly. stance, that the original and legitimate objects of the War had been "conceded by negotiation or won by arms; that Russia had renounced all claim to the Protectorate of the Principalities, and all right of interference with the internal government of the Porte; that she had accepted the complete freedom of the Danube; and that by the fall of Sebastopol and the destruction of the Euxine fleet the neutralization of the Black Sea was an accomplished fact. We pointed to these conditions as the principal ones to be insisted on, and we endeavored to dispose the mind of the country to sentiments of moderation, and turn it from those exaggerated expectations which we foresaw must end in disappointment, or change the whole character of the War.

Those who were most forward in exciting immoderate expectations have, by a just retribution, been the very men officially instrumental in disappointing them. The general character of the Peace will satisfy the Conservative party- will it satisfy the Ministerialists? How curious has been the destiny of the two last Coalitions. Lord Aberdeen's Peace Government, against its will, drifted into war, and Lord Palmerston's War Government, equally against its will, has drifted into peace. In each case the reputation of England has somewhat sunk through the total want of principle on the part of its rulers.

Equally strange is it that the Conservative Opposition has supported both Governments in acting against their inherent convictions and principles. We forced Lord Aberdeen's to engage in a war necessary to the honor of England and to the security of Europe; we have forced Lord Palmerston's to agree to a Peace now that the objects of the War are accomplished. A few weeks back we were threatened with a dissolution. What would be the prospects of the Government with a dissolution now?

How were our representations met? With monstrous fables of a new Coalition, in which Mr. Disraeli was to be dragged at the tail of Mr. Cobden, and Lord Stanley to be smothered under the broadbrim of Mr. Bright. The motive of our course was sought in every direction but the right one. People too dull to see an inch beyond their nose, and too careless to care a straw for principle, thought it incredible that a journalist should exercise on the most important political question of this generation ordinary foresight and honesty.

In our future history this War will occupy a page of mingled gloom and glory. It has been clouded by faults of administration almost beyond belief from their grossness, We differed widely from our great popular and by shameful timidity on the part of the contemporaries, first because we had some Executive. But it has its bright side. The other objects in view than to flatter the poppatriotic spirit of the people has never ular humor of the moment, and to raise illufailed; they did not need the stimulants ap- sions which it was certain time would dispel ; plied to them; and our army, notwith-and, next, because we knew that every statesstanding that it constantly moved in fetters, man worthy of the name in Europe was of never displayed more invincible heroism. opinion that the contest might, with the at

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