book can be viewed, which at all palliates its faults, Letters," from the tomb, we should (at least for is this, that, devoting himself wholly to the inves- amusement) have no great hesitation in wishing for tigation of certain papal records, and being delighted those of Demades rather than of Demosthenes himwith the access he had obtained to them, he has self. So it is with Lord Chatham. His style of opened his mind to these reports, and letters, and diaries of papal nuncios, and ambassadors, as if they contained simple and unalloyed truth! mind, manners, and expression was of too high a scale to be lowered to the familiar or colloquial. It seems as if he thought it necessary to conduct the Now, the fact is this, that such documents, most ordinary correspondence, as Virgil was said to while they must be allowed their value, ought never manure his fields, with an air of dignity: even in to be read without large allowance. They naturally his most affectionate letters to his wife and children, deal only or chiefly in state affairs. They present he appears to descend with reluctance from his pethings, not as they are, but as they require to be destal; and most readers, we think, will be of opinrepresented for a certain purpose. And they omit ion, that he makes a much more interesting and all that is unfriendly to the party having most influ- striking figure in Horace Walpole's Letters than ence over the writer. Yet, to papers such as these in his own. Indeed, this publication fully corroboProfessor Ranke seems to have abandoned his whole rates Wilkes's designation of him as "the best orator soul; and hence we obtain the present elaborate, and worst letter-writer of his age."* but altogether one-sided, view of the papal court and policy. Not knowing what materials the editors have had at their disposal, we can give no opinion as to the The professor complains to his English translator, judgment with which their selection has been made; of the "unconscientiousness" of certain Jesuits at Pa- but we certainly looked for much that we do not ris, who have translated the work into French, mak- find, and we find a great deal which might have ing such alterations as suited their purpose. But been as well omitted. The original materials seem he ought to take the chief blame to himself. Why to have been much less valuable than might reasondid he place so strong a temptation in their way? ably have been expected; but the editors, in the Had he written as Luther would have written, or as course of the publication, fortunately obtained from D'Aubigne has recently written, it would have been Mr. Calcraft a series of letters from Mr. Pitt, and a long enough before the Jesuits would have meddled few from Mr. Gerard Hamilton to his grandfather, with his work. But none understand better than and from Lord Lansdowne a correspondence between those crafty politicians the value of admissions made Lord Chatham and his lordship's father, while earl by an opponent. In no Romish work have we ever of Shelburne, which are very valuable. seen such eulogiums as Professor Ranke has penned these two classes of letters give us more insight into of Leo X., of Ignatius Loyola, and of Queen Chris- Lord Chatham's feelings and proceedings during tina. In fact, obliterate a few expressions here and the latter years of his life than we possess of any there, of cold and formal Protestantism, and the former period, and exhibit more of his personal obbook becomes all that either Wiseman or M'Hale jects and motives, and of his style of playing his could desire. This the Jesuits have done; and, we political game, than all the rest of the volumes put repeat, it is only what the professor might reasonably together." have expected. From the Quarterly Review. The Correspondence of William Pitt, Earl of Indeed One great desideratum strikes us on opening the very first pages, which, however, the editors could probably not supply. With the exception of two insulated letters to Lord Chesterfield, (of the date of 1741,) the correspondence commences with the summer of 1746, when Mr. Pitt was already a privy counsellor and paymaster of the forces; thus leaving a hiatus of the whole of his earlier life, and for those eleven years of his parliamentary career which had elevated him to a station and importance in public opinion superior to those who enjoyed the The temper, habits, and position of Cicero were nominal distinction of cabinet ministers. It is to naturally congenial to a good epistolary style, and be, on every account, regretted that the editors have his letters are to our taste among the very best of not been able to find something illustrative of that his works; they were, no doubt, carefully revised interesting period, of which we know absolutely and polished for publication, and probably lost in nothing, but from the very meagre reports, in the that process something of their lighter merits, but periodical papers of the time, of a few of his parliathey are still easy and graceful, and full of miscel- mentary speeches. laneous yet interesting matter which we should in vain look for clsewhere. We believe that even under the most favourable circumstances, Mr. Pitt's peculiar style of eloquence could not have been adequately preserved; but just * Wilkes's Works, ii. 217. The letters of Demosthenes also were extant in the time of Cicero, but the half-dozen which have come down to us under his name-if, indeed, they be not altogether spurious-excite no great regret The editors are, we believe, the nearest male descenfor the loss of the rest. A mind so laboriously train- dants of Lord Chatham. Mr. Taylor is the grandson of ed to the severest style of eloquence would probably Lady Hester, his eldest daughter, first wife of the late have little taste for, and still less command of, those Earl Stanhope, and Captain Pringle the grandson of light but not facile graces which constitute the chief Lady Harriet, the second who married Mr. Elliot. An merit of a familiar correspondence; and if we had it advertisement expresses the thanks of the ostensible ediin our power to evoke a volume of real Athenian tors to Mr. Wright, editor of the "Parliamentary History." about the time of his first, and probably most vivid | This was the main-spring of the most serious part of displays, these reports, which had always been the political troubles of the last century, and will, meagre and imperfect, became little better than mis- we doubt not, be revived-if our present constitution erable travesties. should last so long-whenever a similar occasion for rivalry shall arise in the royal family. When Eschines exclaimed to those who applauded his recitation of the great speech of Demosthenes, Mr. Pitt's maiden speech was on Mr. Pulteney's "What, then, would you have said, if you had heard motion (29th April, 1736) for a congratulatory adit from himself?" he put in the strongest view the dress to the king on the marriage of the Prince of impossibility that a mere report, even though lite-Wales. How it happened that it was left for the rally accurate, could give any adequate idea of a leader of the opposition to originate such a motion, first-rate speech. How inferior, then, we ask, must has not been explained; but there seems reason to be even a modern report? And how much more im- suspect it arose from the king's own reluctance to perfect the meagre shadows of Mr. Pitt's earlier be congratulated on an event which gave him no speeches under the classical masquerade of Julius great pleasure. Mr. Pitt's speech made a considFlorus, or the barbarous anagram of the Hurgo erable sensation; it was separately published; and Plit, in the London and Gentleman's Magazines? Tindal applauds it, as "being more ornamented than Before we can satisfactorily bring before our read-Demosthenes, and not so diffuse as Cicero:"-praise ers the contents of the volumes before us, we must which the report that we have of it by no means offer a slight sketch of the life of Mr. Pitt, (for so justifies. Literally understood, it seems to us at we at present must call him,) prior to the date at once turgid and jejune; but, we suspect that, under which this correspondence begins. Our materials the inflated panegyric upon the king which runs are very scanty and very trite; but such as they are, through it, there lurked a strain of bitter irony and it is necessary to reproduce them, in order to give sarcastic insinuation, which, in those decorous days, any thing like a complete view of the political life of would appear a very startling novelty. There is no this extraordinary man. doubt, however, that the result of this debate-the warm eulogies on the prince, and the cold, if not invidious, compliments to the king-widened the breach between them, and eventually threw them into open hostility. rum, * Mr. Pitt came into the house of commons in the year 1735-at the age of twenty-seven-for Old Saa family borough; and he found himself enlisted, as it were, by his private connections, if not by his public principles, in the formidable opposition Mr. Pitt had adopted the profession of arms, and in which Sir Robert Walpole's too long tenure of was at this time a cornet in Lord Cobham's regiment office had now combined the Jacobites, under the of dragoons. It is well known that Sir Robert Waladvice of Bolingbroke, the tories, headed by Sir pole dismissed him from the army, in consequence William Wyndham, and the disappointed whigs, of his parliamentary opposition; but it has not, that led by Mr. Pulteney. At the head of this incongru- we know of, been stated at what precise time, nor ous but powerful opposition, was soon to appear on what particular occasion, this stretch of power Frederick Prince of Wales; on whose early acces- was exercised. We have ascertained that the vasion to the throne the ambition and self-interest of cancy made by the supercession of Cornel Plit" all who were from any cause dissatisfied with the was filled up on the 17th of May, 1736. So that he existing government began about this period to spec- must have been dismissed a very few days after he ulate. Horace Walpole somewhere remarks, as a had made his first speech, which we have this addipeculiarity in the Hanover family, that the heir- tional reason for believing to have been of a pecuapparent has always been in opposition to the reign-liarly offensive character. This dismissal was soon ing monarch. The fact is true enough; but it is not followed by his appointment as groom of the prince's a peculiarity in the house of Hanover. It is an bed-chamber, and celebrated by his friend Lyttelton infirmity of human nature, and to be found, more or in a copy of verses, which, though poor enough in less, in every analogous case even of private life; themselves, have the historical importance of showbut our political system developes it with peculiar ing how early the superiority of Mr. Pitt's parliaforce and more remarkable effects in the royal family. mentary talents was acknowledged : Those who cannot obtain the favours of the father will endeavour to conciliate the good wishes of the son; and all arts are employed, and few are necessary, to seduce the heir-apparent into the exciting and amusing game of political opposition. He is naturally apt enough to dislike what he considers a present thraldom, and to anticipate, by his influence over a faction, the plenitude of his future power. 66 "Long had thy virtues marked thee out for fame, This generous Walpole saw, and grieved to find Mr. Pitt, now inspired by the concurrent feelings of resentment and gratitude, and probably still more *If every tree be known by its fruits, it would seem that the reform bill has "hewn down and cast into the by the natural aspirations of his genius, took a boldfire," the stocks that have produced the most illustriouser and more frequent part in opposition to the court; members of the British senate. The Walpoles-the Pitts but the reports of his speeches are few and unsatis-the Foxes-the Yorkes-the Grenvilles-the Scotts; factory. One on the 8th of March, 1739, on the Murray-Pulteney-Pelham-Burke-Barré- Thurlow Spanish convention, contains some traces of his cha-Dunning-Erskine-Sheridan-Canning-to say no-racteristic vigour-(Parl. Hist. x. p. 1291.)-but thing of the most eminent of living statesmen-ali, we be. the whole debate, and particularly this portion of it, lieve, were introduced into public life by the means of must be very imperfectly given; for a private ac nomination boroughs. When will Gateshead or Salford count says "Mr. Pitt spoke very well, but very add a name to this list? abusively, and provoked Henry Fox and Sir Henry Liddell both to answer him." Of any thing like bits, it is amusing to find, fifteen years after this personal abuse on the part of Mr. Pitt, we find no fierce encounter, old Horace and Mr. Pitt confidentrace in the report, and no mention whatsoever of tial friends, and the latter consulting, in 1755, as a the replies of Fox or Liddell. We should have kind of oracle, the political Nestor-on whom he been very curious to see the first dawn of the memo- | had so long before as 1740, pronounced sentence of rable rivalry and conflict which separated during dotage. their lives, and have united after their deaths, the Mr. Pitt had by this time satisfied both himself illustrious names of Pitt and Fox. and the house as to the growing importance of his The next remarkable speech which is reported is parliamentary talents; yet at the great débâcle of that celebrated reply of Mr. Pitt to Horace Walpole the Walpole administration, in 1742, he had no share the elder-beginning "The atrocious crime of of the game which he had assisted in running down. being a young man." We know that this speech In the crisis of Walpole's fate he made two or three was modelled into its present shape by Dr. Johnson, very fine speeches-one particularly, in support of a and it certainly is a striking specimen of sententious committee of inquiry into Sir Robert's conduct, in sarcasm; but the balanced structure of the phrases which, while recapitulating all the varieties of his and the measured amplification of the ideas are so ministerial corruption and oppression, he alluded to entirely Johnsonian-so ultra-Johnsonian indeed-the dismissal of officers for their political conduct; that we are satisfied that it affords little resemblance but while he enforced this topic with great energy, to the vivid and energetic invective of the original. he abstained, with that noble pride and accurate Archdeacon Coxe asserts indeed (and the Par ia- taste which always distinguished him, from alluding mentary History adopts his statement) that this to his own case, or even to any particular case that celebrated retort existed only in Johnson's imagi- could be supposed to typify his own. We notice nation," and repeats an anecdote, told him by Lord this the rather because-though no man's speeches Sydney, to show "how slender was the foundation were more full of personalities, and, consequently, on which this supposed philippic was formed." In of allusions to himself, he never descended into a debate in which Mr. Pitt and some of his young egotism, but contrived by the perfection of art-if friends had violently attacked old Horace Walpole, indeed it did not rather spring from an innate granthe latter complained of the self-sufficiency of the deur of mind-to direct the thoughts of the audience young men of the date, on which Mr. Pitt got up to his own case, while he himself seemed solely ocwith great warmth, beginning with these words :- cupied with a lofty solicitude about the wrongs of "With the greatest reverence for the gray hairs of others. We shall see that in private, in the souterthe honourable gentleman"-upon which Walpole rains of politics, he was pliable enough-sometimes pulled off his wig, and showed his head covered almost obsequious when he had a turn to servewith gray hairs, which occasioned a general laughter, but before the public his deportment was proud, unin which Pitt joined, and the dispute subsided."- compromising and dignified. (Life of Lord Walpole, ii. 184.) Now Lord Syd- There can be, we think, little doubt that it was ney's anecdote is perfectly true; for we find it told, the offence given to the king by Mr. Pitt's parlia at the time it happened, in one of the younger Ho-mentary conduct, and probably by his first speech, race's letters to Sir Horace Mann:* but this does not which rendered it impossible to the new ministry to decide the question: for however strange and im- bring him into any office; and the offence must have probable it may appear that there should have been been something peculiar, for the great body of the two incidents of this nature between the same par- prince's friends went over to the new government, ties, the fact seems certain. The affair of the wig and the prince himself was, in appearance at least, occurred on the 21st of November, 1745, whereas reconciled at St. James's. the "celebrated retort" was delivered on the 10th of March, 1741, and is printed in the Gentleman's Magazine for that year. So that Archdeacon Coxe was certainly mistaken in supposing that Johnson's report was an amplification of an event that did not happen till four years later. Indeed, we see reason to suppose that Mr. Pitt was dissatisfied with the prince's conduct towards him on this occasion. He probably thought that his royal highness ought not to have submitted to the exclusion pronounced upon him, for we find that on the re-assembling of parliament in December, 1742, Amongst the numerous vicissitudes of political Lyttelton, supported by Pitt and the Grenvilles, refriendships and enmities which Mr. Pitt's life exhi-vived the proposition for a secret committee to inquire into the misconduct of Sir Robert Walpole-an (Wal. Lett. vol. i. p. 246) that the prince would resent this interference by dismissing Pitt and Lyttelton from his household. * Walpole's Letters, vol. ii. p. 83. We quote (as far embarrassing question to the new ministry, and one as it has gone) from Mr. Bentley's general edition of which was therefore so displeasing to the prince, Walpole's Letters, now in course of publication; a col-who had become their patron, that it was surmised lection into one view and regular order of that vast correspondence, which, besides its unequalled gaiety and brilliancy, has the more important merit of being the liveliest picture of manners and the best epitome of political history that not only this but any country possesses. It is also exceedingly well edited; and though much is still left obscure which might be explained, we are, on the whole, very grateful both for the work itself and the style in which it is executed. We believe it appears under the auspices of the Misses Berry, whose friendship did honour to Lord Orford's taste, and now does justice to his memory; but that the detail has been intrusted, as in the case of the Chatham papers, to Mr. Wright. It has been generally supposed that this small but able party (which Walpole calls the Cobhamites) held off from the administration on some grounds of displeasure personal to Lord Cobham himself. We doubt it. Lord Cobham seems to have been much considered in the first arrangements; he was even of the cabinet; and it was not till he found a second exclusion put upon his friends that he fell back into opposition; and we shall soon see abundant proof of Pitt answered him with all his force and wit of language; but on an ill-founded argument. In all appearance, they will be great rivals."-Lett. to Mann, vol. i. p. 264. Another private letter, too, from Mr. Oswald to Lord Kames, says : much reason the transactions of every year have given for suspecting this absurd, ungrateful, and perfidious partiality, it is not necessary to declare! To dwell on all the instances of that partiality, and the yearly visits which have been paid to that DELIGHTFUL Country-to reckon up all the sums that have been spent to aggrandise and enrich it, would be an irksome and invidious task, invidious to those who are afraid to be told the truth, and irksome to those who are unwilling to hear of the dishonour and injuries of their country." This, in any times, would be thought violent language, and there can be little doubt that the force of what was really spoken was attenuated in the Report; but when we recall to memory the predilection of George II. for his German dominions, we cannot but admit that this speech sounds like a per"On the first day (9th December) Murray was sonal defiance of the sovereign, and that, whatever introduced to support the court, which he did in a disinclination his majesty might have previously had speech extremely methodical, with great perspicuity, on other grounds to admit Mr. Pitt into office, he and very fine colouring. He was replied to by Pitt had now a direct and personal cause of displeasure, in the most masterly manner. Murray had which no candid man can call unreasonable. laid a good deal of stress on exposing the inconsistency of advising one thing the one year, and the At the opening of the next session Mr. Pitt was next abusing it merely through a spirit of opposi- still more offensive. In the recess, the battle of tion. Pitt showed how the object was varied, but Dettingen-won by George II. in person--had not varied by the ministers; and then turned every only vindicated in public opinion the conduct of the argument Murray had employed against himself. war and the employment of the Hanoverian troops, The one spoke like a pleader, and could not divest but raised the personal character of the king and himself of a certain appearance of being employed very much gratified his private feelings. On the by others. The other spoke like a gentleman-like meeting of parliament (1st December, 1743), the a statesman, who felt what he said, and possessed usual address was on this occasion seasoned with the strongest desire of conveying that feeling to congratulations to the king on his victory, and with others for their own interest, and that of their coun- thanks "to Divine Providence for the protection of try. Murray gains your attention by the perspi- his majesty's sacred person, amidst the imminent cuity of his arguments, and the eloquence of his danger to which his invaluable life had been exdiction. Pitt commands your attention and respect posed," &c. Mr. Pitt oppose the address in a by the nobleness, the greatness of his sentiment great speech, which was reported in the "London the strength and energy of his expressions-and the certainty that you are in of his always rising to a still greater elevation of thought and style, &c." Memorials of the Right Hon. J. Oswald, p. 3. Magazine" at considerable length. The argument, a very able one, is, we may presume, pretty well stated-but we know aliunde that the energy and spirit are imperfectly given; there is, however, enough to show how personally offensive it must have been to the king. Mr. Pitt depreciated the success, and censured the conduct cf the royal hero of Dettingen: The next day (10th December, 1742) the debate was renewed on another and more interesting branch of the same subject, the maintenance of 16,000 Hanoverian troops in the pay of Great Britain, for the alleged support of the queen of Hungary. On this "The ardour of the British troops was restrained occasion, Mr Pitt delivered another speech, which is by the cowardice of the Hanoverians, and, instead reported, and is very remarkable, not only as an in- of pursuing the enemy, we ourselves ran away in dication of the personal feeling which we have men- the night with such haste, that we left all our tioned, but for the serious and important-though, wounded to the mercy and care of the enemy, who as far as we know, hitherto unnoticed-results which had the honour of burying our dead as well as their it produced. Mr. Pitt, in this philippic, attacked own. This action may therefore be called, on our not merely the electorate of Hanover, but even the side, a fortunate escape; I shall never give my elector himself, with peculiar and, in those times, consent to honour it with the name of victory." very startling asperity. And as to the statements of the king's personal gallantry, he more than insinuates that they are false," and asks 66 66 "If," he asked, "our assistance to the queen of Hungary be an act of honesty, why may it not be equally required of Hanover? If it be an act of generosity, why should this country alone be ex- Suppose that it should appear that his majesty pected to sacrifice her interests for those of others? was exposed to few or no dangers abroad, but or why should the elector of Hanover exert his those to which he is daily liable at home, such as liberality at the expense of Great Britain? the overturning of his coach, or the stumbling of It is too apparent, sir, that this powerful, this his horse, would not the address proposed, instead great, this mighty nation is considered only as a of being a compliment, be an affront and insult to province to a despicable electorate. How the sovereign? Now what assurance have we that all these facts will not turn out as I have imagined?" of Sir William Pynsent, a Somersetshire baronet of very eccentric character, who left him the estate of Burton Pynsent, in that county, worth, it was said, about 2500l. a-year, and about 30,000/. in ready money. Unless we carry ourselves back into those times, and imagine such sentiments as these, enforced by the most rapid variety and volubility of diction-the most impressive and commanding powers of utterMr. Pitt's opposition-for we reckon his coadjuance the most energetic, yet dignified action-an tors, Lyttelton and the Grenvilles, and even Lord eye that flashed lightning to the thunders of his Cobham, as but make-weights in the balance-had voice--and an air of supreme, not to say audacious, now become so embarrassing, that Mr. Pelham, the authority over his audience-unless, we say, we leader of the house of commons, and his brother, the endeavour to picture to ourselves the Mr. Pitt of that Duke of Newcastle, found it necessary to get rid of day, we shall have a very inadequate idea of the Lord Carteret, and enlist Lord Chesterfield, the chief peculiarity of his position, or of the difficulties in of the opposition in the lords, the Cobhamites, and which the self-relying impetuosity of his character some leading tories in what was called the broadinvolved almost equally his enemies, his friends, and bottom administration (November, 1744). Lord himself. To this, we are satisfied, may be traced Chesterfield was on this new coalition appointed at many important transactions, which seem to float once lord-lieutenant of Ireland, and ambassador to Holland. He executed both, as a man who rides vaguely and unexplained on the surface of history. In the ministry which succeeded Sir Robert Wal- two horses at the amphitheatre, with extraordinary pole's, the person who had most of the king's favour cleverness and posterity only wonders how he and confidence was Lord Carteret, who, as secretary came to be so simultaneously employed. The truth of state, had attended him in the late campaign: was, that, as the foreign policy had been of late the there is little doubt that he as well as Lord Bath-chief butt, and an intimate alliance with Holland the who was in the cabinet without office-supported favourite theme of the opposition, it was thought the king in his determination against Pitt; and, necessary, to render the coalition tolerably decorous, accordingly, we find (not in the Report, but) in that Lord Chesterfield should have a mission, which Philip Yorke's Parliamentary Journal, and in should indicate something like a change of foreign Horace Walpole's "Letters to Mann," that he at- policy, and give some colour of consistency to the tacked Carteret in this speech with great virulence, heterogeneous arrangements at home. calling him "an execrable minister-a sole minister who had renounced the British nation, and seemed to have drunk of the potion described in poetic fictions, which made men forget their country." And Walpole tells us, that in one of the numerous speeches in which Mr. Pitt assiduously followed up this first blow, he called Carteret "the Hanoverian minister--a flagitious task-master; adding, that the "sixteen thousand Hanoverians were all the party he had." Mr. Pitt had early established his reputation as an orator--this bold and pertinacious opposition to Hanoverian interests and influence now gave him the character of a patriot; and he obtained so fast a hold of the public mind, that we shall see him, by and by, passing with little loss of influence into diametrically opposite principles, coalescing with Lord Carteret, and carrying with him, in support of a German war, the popularity he had acquired by resisting it. It was about this period of his life (1744) that the celebrated Duchess of Marlborough died, leaving him a legacy of 10,000/. on account of his merit in the noble defence he has made of the laws of England, and to prevent the ruin of his country.' We do not find in the debates, nor in the meagre biographies of Lord Chatham, any thing quite justifying the peculiar expression of "a defence of the laws of England." Either her grace must have used the words in a vague and general sense, or something was meant which has escaped our notice. As Mr. Pitt's patrimonial fortune was small, this legacy was very convenient to him. We may as well here mention that, twenty years later (1765), he received a still more important legacy by the will * She also left for similar reasons £2500 to Lord Chesterfield, who at this time pursued the same line of politics as Mr. Pitt. TO But these home arrangements were more difficult. It was easy to give Lord Cobham a better regiment, and to make Lyttelton a lord of the treasury, and George Grenville a lord of the admiralty, but the real strength-the To av of the Cobhamites-was not so easily to be disposed of. "The great Mr. Pitt," says old Horace Walpole-using in derision a designation soon confirmed by the serious voice of his country-"the great Mr. Pitt insisted on being secretary at war;"-but it was found that the king's aversion to him was insurmountable, and, after much reluctance and difficulty, his friends were persuaded to accept office without him, under an assurance from the Duke of Newcastle that "he should at no distant day be able to remove this prejudice from his majesty's mind." Mr. Pitt, on his part, was, or appeared to be, satisfied with this engagement, and promised his support to the new administration. When he was quieted, the terror of an opposition vanished-and, accordingly, the session of 1744-5 was one of the most unanimous ever known. But Mr. Pitt, though out of office, was not out of power; and his appearance during this session of truce is remarkable and very characteristic. Mr. Pitt had been even from his youth subject to the gout, which is supposed to have been hereditary, and he was during his whole life afflicted with it to a degree that frequently and seriously interfered with his parliamentary and official duties. Of this we shall see abundant proof in the sequel; but it must * The editors quote Horace Walpole's account of this transaction, but they suppress (not quite candidly) his concluding sentence:-"The scandalous chronicle of Somersetshire talks terribly of his morals; * * *;"—on this blank, the editor of Walpole observes, "The original contains an imputation against Sir William Pynsent, which, if true, would lead us to suspect him of a disordered mind."-(Letters to Hertford, p. 178.) |
