his learning, he unluckily discovers a much earlier original of persecution for mere opinion than that of the first sufferer, Priscillian: This was in the holy wars (as he calls them) of the idolatrous Egyptians (p. 583): which, according to his own account, were persecutions for difference of belief alone. Here then we stick, between the first, and the first of all;-but not long. He has a fetch to bring us off. "This holy war was indeed persecution in the Egyptians, who dealt and felt the blows; but it was still toleration, and civil policy in those, who set them together by the ears for it was a standing maxim with the Romans, to support and encourage in the subdued Provinces, a variety in religious worship; which occasioning holy wars, the parties concerned to carry them on with proper decency and zeal had work enough cut out for them, without forming plots and conspiracies against their Masters." Thus, although, in these tools the Egyptians, the holy war might be persecution for opinions, yet in the workmen, who put it to use, it was an engine of state. The Egyptian superstition (says our learned Civilian) was rather an engine of state. Rather than what ?-than persecution. How so, when superstition made them persecute? No matter for that. It was under the direction of their Masters: and in their hands it was an engine of state. It is pity that so great a politician as our Chancellor had not still, like his predecessors the Chancellors of old, a patent for making these engines. We know of One who has long lived upon this trade: and an example of his management may set our Chancellor's political refinement in a true light. The Roman Conclave succeeded to the Roman Senate in this engineering work; and the later holy wars in Egypt carried on by their sainted Kings and their imperious Saints, were contrived and fomented by the Roman Church, as before by the Roman State, to divert the subject nations from quarrelling with the sacred See. But what then? If a spirit of Policy projected it, was it not a spirit of Superstition that put it in hand? And the point our learned Civilian is debating, though only with himself, is the spirit of Pagan Religion, not the spirit of Roman Policy. Now surely it is a terrible breach in the general indulgence of paganism, even as he states it, to find holy wars amongst them for difference of belief alone; a species of persecution which, in another place, he expressly tells us, owed its nativity to modern ages.

To say the truth, Persecution is one of the wickedest imps of Hell, and capable of any mischief: but who would have suspected it of this trick, played as it were, in its mother's belly; so long before its NATIVITY; and while yet it had scarce got a human being? But the adventure was, in all respects, extraordinary; and well deserving the pen of our illustrious Historian.

Seriously, He seems much better fitted, whether as Critic or Civi

lian, to manage the intrigues of the Greek and Roman Alphabets, (whose Revolutions make so shining a figure in this splendid Dissertation on the Bacchanals) than to develope the policy of Empires, or to adjust the rights of civil and religious Societies.

But it is now time to shew, that his hypothesis has as little support from reason as from fact: and that nocturnal assemblies neither DID, nor, on our Critic's own principles, possibly COULD, give birth to Persecution, even though these assemblies had preceded all interruptions of the civil power.

While the common opinion remained undisputed, that nocturnal assemblies were held to avoid persecution, all men saw a sufficient reason for their practice. But since we have been told, that they preceded persecution, and were the cause of it, we are utterly at a loss to account for so extraordinary a mode of worship in the immediate followers of Christ. For the original of nocturnal assemblies being now, CHOICE, not NECESSITY, they must be resolved into one or other of these causes

1. Either because true Christianity hath mysterious rites, proper to be celebrated in the night-time, like the pagan Orgies:

2. Or that the first propagators of the Faith affected to imitate the dark and enigmatic genius of Paganism :

3. Or that their followers were a set of gloomy Fanatics, who delighted in the horrors of a midnight season:

4. Or lastly, that, like the BACCHANALS (whose story gave birth to this new hypothesis) they had some very debauched and licentious practices to conceal, whose celebration was only adapted to the obscenities of night and darkness.

Now, of all these causes, our learned Critic, as a Dispenser of the doctrine, and a Minister of the discipline of the church, can admit only the second. He is too well instructed in the nature of the Christian Religion to allow the first; and he has too great a regard for the honour. of its early Professors, to suppose it possible to be the third or fourth.

He must needs conclude, therefore, that the primitive Christians went voluntarily into this practice, in imitation of the mysterious rites of Paganism. On a presumption of the truth of this fact, he must build his hypothesis-It may be asked (says he) in that almost universal licence or toleration, which the Ancients, the Romans particularly, extended to the professors of all Religions whatsoever, why the Christian profession alone, which might have expected a favourable treatment, seems to stand exempted, and frequently felt the severity of the bitterest persecution ?-Having asked this, he very magisterially solves the riddle: They met (says he) with molestations from that quarter, BECAUSE their assemblies were nocturnal.

What, now, would be the first reflection of a reader, unacquainted with Greece and Rome? Would he not conclude, that nocturnal assemblies for religious worship were, till now, unknown in paganism, and regarded as a prodigy, to be expiated only by capital punishments? He would never conceive that mysterious and nocturnal Rites were the most venerable and sacred part of their worship. But when he is told that these Christian Assemblies were in imitation of the most favourite practices of Gentilism, and to conciliate the world's good will, he will be lost in wonder, that a modern Critic should pretend to know better what would appease or irritate the Pagans than the primitive Church did, which had the best opportunities of distinguishing in these matters, and was most concerned not to be mistaken. will tell our Critic, that if he really aims at the solution of what he calls a difficulty, he should seek for a cause as uncommon and singular as the effect. The EFFECT, religious persecution, our Critic himself tells us, was a thing almost unknown to the pagan world: but the CAUSE, nocturnal assemblies, was as common and as extensive as idolatry itself.

He

-All the various Religions of Paganism, were ever attended with mysterious rites, which (to keep up a veneration for the worship, and to create a sacred horror in the Participant) were generally celebrated in the night. But as this afforded opportunities of private enormities, as well as of danger to the State, the laws of the best governed countries, such as Greece, required that foreign Religions, which celebrated such rites, should have the previous licence of the magistrate. Hence we find, that, by a Law of the twelve tables, (an institute composed chiefly from the Grecian laws,) clandestine assemblies held in the night were punished with death. In course of time, as superstition abounded, this law was but little observed: for, in the 566th year of Rome, some spurious rites of Bacchus had crept out of Greece, and insinuated themselves into the city; where being celebrated by night, without the knowledge or licence of the Magistrate, they presently suffered an abominable corruption.* On discovery, they were abolished; and fresh vigour given to the law of the twelve tables, by a new regulation for celebrating of nocturnal worship. So cautious and tender was the Magistrate, (even under this horrid provocation) of violating the rights of Religion in this capital point of mysterious worship: nor did the heat of reformation carry him to impinge upon any other of the nocturnal Rites, then celebrated in Rome; such as the Mysteries of the Bona Dea.

Greece and Asia had been long famous for the celebration of this kind of rites: which, Rome, now masters of the east, brought home with them; together with the other ARTS of Greece, of which, Cicero † ↑ De Legibus.

• See "Divine Legation," book ii. sect. 6.

reckons these of the MYSTERIES in the first class. And thus things continued in respect to these rites, throughout the whole Roman Empire, down even to the time of Valentinian; who, out of zeal for Christianity, published an edict to abolish the most famous of them all, the ELEUSINIAN. But he was diverted from his purpose by his prudent minister, Prætextatus; who assured him, that it would drive Greece and Asia to despair, and endanger the peace of the Empire.*

Such was the state and condition of nocturnal assemblies in the pagan world: They were of the earliest original; of the most venerable use; and practised with the fondest attachment. In the very centre, and during the full celebrity, of these Rites, the Christian church arose which, if you will believe our Critic, went into them with as much spirit and attention as any Gentile Community of them all. When, strange to tell! the Genius of Paganism, so indulgent to new forms of Religion, (every one of which had their Mysteries, and most of them their nocturnal assemblies) all of a sudden turned tail, and fell foul upon this rising Sect, for a circumstance common to all, and in a time of full peace and security.

What could occasion so unexpected a reception? Was it any disgust the PEOPLE had entertained to this Christian rite? (for, indeed, on their passions, the Magistrate is generally obliged to square his administration.) This could not be ; for the People, (every where the same) are rarely offended, in religious matters, but with novelties. What is of common use they receive with indifference; often with a favourable prejudice. Our Critic confounds the nature and order of things, to make Paganism passive and unprovoked at a Principle which subverted the whole system of their religion, namely, the UNSOCIABILITY of the Christian Faith; and yet mortally offended with a practice the most sacred and universal in Paganism, namely, MYSTE

RIOUS AND NOCTURNAL RITES.

But it will be said, "Some jealousy entertained of this way of worship, by the MAGISTRATE, might occasion that fiery inquisition: Nocturnal assemblies had been abused, and therefore it became him to be very attentive to every new institution of the like kind." Here our Critic will appeal to his Bacchanalian rites: and, indeed, it seems to have been this detestable Mummery which first put the fancy into his head. But this abuse was a single, temporary thing, and had been long forgotten. Nocturnal assemblies had since that time been practised, for many ages, without jealousy. Cicero, indeed, in an ideal Utopia,† had declared against them; but he brings them in, apparently for no other purpose than to stigmatize his mortal enemy Clodius. And, what is remarkable, he gives not the least intimation that the abuses of nocturnal assemblies had ever been so general as to ZOSIMUS, lib. iv. ↑ De Legibus.

keep alive the attention or jealousy of the Magistrate: Particulars had now and then perverted them to the gratification of their lusts; and for this, (for want of better evidence) he appeals to the comic poets of Greece, where indeed some of the Mysteries appear to have undergone a shameful corruption.

However, let us suppose the state of Rome to be as delicate on this point as our Critic's hypothesis requires it to be: Their circumspection could never go further than to regulate or to reform these Assemblies it could never proceed to the suppression or abolition of them, because nocturnal meetings made an essential part of their own worship.

:

It is probable, indeed, that those ridiculous calumnies of the Vulga concerning the immoralities committed in the nocturnal assemblies of the Christians, might reach the ears of the Magistrate: But if he attended to them, would he not begin his inquiry by examining into the truth of them, as he had done in the case of the Bacchanalian rites? and when he found them as innocent as Pliny the Younger, on a like examination, reports them to have been, would not the search have ended here; and a share of that universal toleration, which he afforded to others, been imparted to them likewise?

Our Critic may perhaps say, that these Christians were such lovers of a secret, that they would not reveal the nature of their rites to the Pagan Magistrate, though it were to entitle them to his protection. Should he say this, he would forget the principles I have now forced him to go upon, which will allow no other reason of the first Christians' falling into this practice, than to conciliate the good will of their Pagan neighbours.

Well, but "there might be some idolatrous Test required to qualify the Church for its share in this toleration of nocturnal worship; and, for non-compliance with the condition" (he may tell us) "the persecution began." It is, indeed, likely enough that such a Test was required; and most probably it consisted in their approbation of the principle of intercommunity; if not in words, yet at least in deeds; such as throwing a grain or two of incense on the Pagan altars. But then the mischief of this evasion is, that it brings us round again to the place from whence the learned Critic set out, when he turned his back upon the reason given in The Divine Legation for toleration, and would needs seek a better in nocturnal assemblies.

Hitherto we cannot conceive how a persecution could so much as begin, from the cause our Critic has assigned. But let us, for argument's sake, suppose, that the Magistrate, out of mere caprice (for we have shewn he could have no reason) and in the plenitude of his power, would forbid the Christians their nocturnal assemblies, while he allowed the privilege to all besides: even in this case, his persecution