(81)

THE

MONTHLY REVIEW,

For FEBRUARY, 1752.

The SECOND Edition.

ART. xi. Conclufion of the account of Mr Hume's Political Difcourfes. See our laft, ART. ii...

T

HE queftion concerning the populousness of antient and modern times will be readily allowed to be equally curious and important. This queftion is treated with great learning and judgment in our author's tenth discourse, where he endeavours to make it appear that there are no juft reasons to conclude, that antient times were more populous than the prefent. The manner in which he proceeds is as follows: he first confiders whether it be probable, from what we know of the domeftic and political fituation of fociety in both periods, that antiquity must have been more populous; and Secondly, whether in reality it was fo..

He obferves that the chief difference betwixt the domeftic œconomy of the ancients and that of the moderns confifts in the practice of flavery, which prevailed among the former, and which has been abolifhed for fome centuries throughout the greatest part of Europe. As it is alledged that this practice was the chief caufe of that extreme populoufness which is fuppofed in antient times, our author fhews, that flavery is in general difadvantageous both to the happiness and populoufnefs of mankind, and that its place is much better fupplied by the practice of hired fervants. G

VOL. VI

After

pro

After having fhewn, that with regard to domeftic life and manners, we are, in the main, rather fuperior to the ancients, fo far as the prefent queftion is concerned; he ceeds to examine the political customs and institutions of antient and modern times, and weigh their influence in retarding or forwarding the propagation of mankind. He acknowledges that the fituation of affairs among the antients, with regard to civil liberty, equality of fortune, and the fmall divifions of their ftates, was more favourable to propagation than that of the moderns; but obferves that their wars were more bloody and deftructive than ours; their governments more factious and unfettled; their commerce and manufactures more feeble and languishing; and their general police more loofe and irregular. These latter difadvantages, fays he, feem to form a fufficient counterballance to the former advantages; and rather favour the oppofite opinion to that which commonly prevails with regard to this fubject.

·

Having difcuffed the first point propofed to be confidered, he now proceeds to the fecond, and acknowledges that all his preceding reasonings are but small fkirmishes and frivolous rencounters, that decide nothing. But unluckily,' fays he, the main combat, where we compare facts, cannot be rendered much more decifive. The facts delivered by antient authors are either fo uncertain or fo imperfect as to afford us nothing decifive in this matter. How, indeed, could it be otherwile? The very facts which we must oppofe to them, in computing the greatness of modern states, are far from being either certain or compleat. Many grounds of calculation, proceeded on by celebrated writers, are little better than those of the emperor Heliogabulus, who formed an estimate of the immenfe greatnefs of Rome from ten thousand pound weight of cobwebs, which he had found in that city.

"Tis to be remarked, that all kinds of numbers are urcertain in ancient manufcripts, and have been fubject to much greater corruptions than any other part of the text; and that for a very obvious reafon. Any alteration in other places, commonly affects the fenfe or grammar, and is more readily perceived by the reader and tranfcriber.

"Few enumerations of inhabitants have been made of any tract of country by any ancient author of good authority; fo as to afford us a large enough view for comparison.

'Tis probable, that there was formerly a good foundation for the number of citizens affigned to any free city; be

caufe

caufe they entered for a fhare of the government, and there were exact registers kept of them. But as the number of naves is feldom mentioned, this leaves us in as great uncertainty as ever, with regard to the populoufness even of fingle cities.'

In the subsequent part of this difcourfe, our author examines the numbers affign'd to particular cities in antiquity; compares the paft and prefent fituation of all the countries, that were the fcenes of antient and modern Hiftory; and fhews that there is little foundation for the complaint of the prefent emptinefs and defolation of the world.

6

Our author, in his eleventh difcourfe, treats of the pro-, teltant fucceffion; and after confidering the advantages and difadvantages of fixing the fucceffion, either in the house of Stuart, or in that of Hanover, he concludes in the following manner. Thus,' fays he, upon the whole, the advantages of the fettlement of the family of Stuart, which frees us from a difputed title, feem to bear fome proportion with those of the settlement in the family of Hanover, which frees us from the claims of prerogative; but at the fame time, its difadvantages, by placing on the throne a Roman Catholic, are much greater than thofe of the other establishment, in fettling the crown on a foreign prince. What party an impartial patriot in the reign of king William or queen Anne, would have chosen amidst these fite views, may, perhaps, to fome appear hard to determine. For my part, I efteem liberty fo invaluable a bleffing to fociety, that whatever favours its progrefs and fecurity, can fcarce be too fondly, cherished by every one, who is a lover of human kind.

oppo

• But the settlement in the houfe of Hanover has actually taken place. The princes of that family, without intrigue, without cabal, without follicitation on their part, have been called to mount our throne, by the united voice of the whole legiflative body. They have, fince their acceffion, difplayed, in all their actions, the utmost mildness, equity, and regard to the laws and conftitution. Our own minifters, our own parliaments, ourselves have governed us; and if aught ill has befallen us, we can only blame fortune or ourselves. What a reproach muft we become amongst nations, if, disgufted with a fettlement fo deliberately made, and whofe conditions have been fo religioufly obferved, we fhould throw every thing again into confufion; and by our levity and rebellious difpofition, prove ourselves totally

G 2

unfit

unfit for any ftate but that of abfolute flavery and fubjection ?

The greatest inconvenience attending a difputed title is, that it brings in danger of civil wars and rebellions. What wife man, to avoid this inconvenience, would run directly upon a civil war and rebellion? Not to mention, that fo long poffeffion, fecured by fo many laws, muft, e'er this time, in the apprehenfion of a great part of the nation,' have begot a title in the houfe of Hanover, independent of their prefent poffeffion: fo that now we fhould not, even by a revolution, obtain the end, of avoiding a difputed title.

No revolution, made by national forces, will ever be able, without fome other great neceffity, to abolifh our debts and incumbrances, in which the intereft of fo many perfons is concerned. And a revolution, made by foreign forces, is a conqueft: a calamity, with which the precarious balance of power very nearly threatens us, and which our civil diffenfions are likely, above all other circumstances, to bring fuddenly upon us.'

Our author introduces his twelfth difcourfe with fome general reflections on established governments, and then proceeds to lay before us a new model of a commonwealth; which is as follows. Let Great Britain and Ireland, fays he, or any territory of equal extent, be divided into a hundred counties, and each county into a hundred parishes, making in all ten thoufand. If the country purposed to be erected into a commonwealth, be of more narrow extent, we may diminish the number of counties, but never bring them below thirty. If it be of greater extent, 'twere better to enlarge the parishes, or throw more parishes into a county, than increase the number of counties.

'Let all the freeholders in the county-parishes, and those who pay fcot and lot in the town parishes, meet annually in the parifh church, and chufe fome freeholder of the county for their member, whom we fhall call the county reprefentative.

Let the hundred county-reprefentatives, two days after their election, meet in the county-town, and chufe by ballot, from their own body, ten county-magistrates, and one jenator. There are, therefore, in the whole commonwealth, a hundred fenators, eleven hundred county-magiftrates, and ten thoufand county-reprefentatives. we shall bestow on all fenators the authority of county-ma

For

giftrates,

giftrates, and on all county-magiftrates the authority of county-reprefentatives.

Let the fenators meet in the capital, and be endowed with the whole executive power of the commonwealth, the power of peace and war, of giving orders to generals, admirals, and ambafladors; and, in fhort, all the prerogatives of a British king, except his negative.

'Let the county reprefentatives meet in their particular counties, and poffefs the whole legiflative power of the commonwealth; the greatest number of counties deciding the question, and where thefe are equal, let the fenate have the cafting vote.

Every new law muft first be debated in the fenate; and though rejected by it, if ten fenators infift and proteft, it must be sent down to the counties. The fenate may join to the copy of the law their reafons for receiving or rejecting it.

Because it would be troublefome to affemble the whole >county representatives for every trivial law that may be requifite, the fenate have their choice of fending down the law either to the county-magiftrates or county-reprefentatives.

The magiftrates, tho' the law be referred to them, may, if they please, call the representatives, and fubmit the affair to their determination.

• Whether the law be referred by the fenate to the county magiftrates or reprefentative, a copy of it, and of the fenate's reasons muft, be fent to every reprefentative eight days before the day appointed for the affembling in order to deliberate concerning it. And though the determination be, by the fenate, referred to the magiftrates, if five reprefentatives of the county order the magiftrates to affemble the whole court of reprefentatives, and submit the affair to their determination they muft obey.

• Either the county-magiftrates or reprefentatives may give, to the fenator of the county, the copy of a law to be proposed to the fenate; and if five counties concur in the fame order, the law, tho' refufed by the fenate, must come either to the county-magiftrates or reprefentatives, as is contained in the order of the five counties.

Any twenty counties, by a vote either of their magiftrates, or reprefentatives, may throw any man out of all public offices for a year. Thirty counties for three years.

G 3

The