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the reality of what was passing before his eyes. A noble lord who sat opposite to me, and who has long ago succeeded to a seat in the House of Lords, cheered me so vociferously that I was myself inclined to doubt his meaning. I found afterwards that his cheers were meant derisively, to show his thorough conviction of the absurdity and impracticability of my proposals."-Lord Broughton in his Recollections says: "Never shall I forget the astonishment of my neighbours as Lord John Russell developed his plan. Indeed, all the House seemed perfectly astounded; and when he read the long list of the boroughs to be either wholly or partially disfranchised, there was a sort of wild ironical laughter. Lord John seemed rather to play with the fears of his audience; and, after detailing some clauses that seemed to complete the scheme, smiled and paused, and said, 'More yet.' When Lord John sat down, we of the Mountain cheered long and loud, although there was hardly one of us that believed such a scheme could, by any possibility, become the law of the land."

“Finality" in Reform.-In June, 1837, Lord John Russell observed of the Reform Act, in the House of Commons, "Her Majesty's Ministers, while they consider it a final measure, do not intend that it should remain a barren Act upon the statute-book, but that it should be followed up in such a manner as would ennoble, invigorate, and enlarge the institutions of the country.” The name "Finality John" was frequently applied to his lordship after this declaration; but in 1849, in the course of a debate on certain proposals connected with the Charter, Lord John denied having ever used the word "finality" in the sense imputed to him.

Upsetting the Coach.-The satirist's portrait of Lord John Russell, in the following lines from Lytton's "New Timon," becomes far from uncomplimentary at its close:

"Next cool, and all unconscious of reproach,

Comes the calm 'Johnny who upset the coach."
How form'd to lead, if not too proud to please-
His fame would fire you, but his manners freeze.
Like or dislike, he does not care a jot;

He wants your vote, but your affection not.
Yet human hearts need sun, as well as oats,-
So cold a climate plays the deuce with votes.
And while his doctrines ripen day by day,

His frost-nipp'd party pines itself away ;

A note is added here: "Lord Stanley's memorable exclamation on a certain occasion which now belongs to history-Johnny's upset the coach.' was coach upset with such perfect sang-froid on the part of the driver."

Never

The "coach" in question was the Ministry of Earl Grey, in 1834. The exclamation was hastily scribbled on a piece of paper, and passed to Sir James Graham. The story went that Sir James slipped this paper into his pocket; it was found there the same night by his valet, who carried it to the Times office, and in this way the ministerial crisis oozed out to the public. This story, how. ever, has been denied.

From the starved wretch its own loved child we steal,
And Free Trade' chirrups on the lap of Peel!
But see our statesman when the steam is on,

And languid Johnny glows to glorious John!

When Hampden's thought, by Falkland's muses dress'd,
Lights the pale cheek, and swells the generous breast;
When the pent heat expands the quickening soul,

And foremost in the race the wheels of genius roll!"

Mind Triumphing over Matter.-Here is another picture of Lord John Russell, by an acute observer (Mr. Maddyn) :-" His outward form was frail and weakly; his countenance sicklied over with the effects of ill health and solitary self-communing; his figure shrunken below the dimensions of ordinary manhood; his general air that of a meditative invalid. But within that feeble body was a spirit that knew not how to cower, a brave heart that could pulsate vehemently with large and heroical emotions, a soul that aspired to live nobly in a proud and right manly career. His voice was weak, his accent mincing with affectation, his elocution broken, stammering, and uncertain, save when in a few lucky moments his tongue seemed unloosed, and there came rushing from his lips a burst of epigrammatic sentences-logical, eloquent, and terse, and occasionally vivified by the fire of genius. Then would his right hand convulsively be clenched, his head proudly thrown back, the outline of his face become rigid and drawn, and the small form seem to dilate, while the cheek would blanchen with moral excitement, as the ecstacy of applauding partizans made the walls of the Senate ring with echoing cheers."

Occasional Sparks.-The speeches of Lord John Russell, as a rule, show few sparkles of the genius which the literary portraits just referred to, like all contemporary impressions, recognise so freely. The wit and brilliancy which Lord John Russell undoubtedly possessed appear to have been deliberately and entirely subordinated to a staid, methodical way of dealing with parliamentary business, and to a sense of ministerial responsibility. It was often a momentary flash which alone revealed the full light within. This latent power was shown at times in unexpected repartee; and one of the most telling retorts ever uttered in either House of Parliament was made by Lord John when Sir Francis Burdett, after turning from Radical to Tory, thought proper to sneer at the "cant of patriotism." "I quite agree," said Lord John, "with the honourable baronet that the cant of patriotism is a bad thing. But I can tell him a worse the recant of patriotism-which I will gladly go along with him in reprobating whenever he shows me an example of it."

Equal Rights.-In a speech in the House of Commons in May, 1830, Lord John Russell thus opposed the idea of universal suffrage: "Considering our system-considering our monarchy and our House of Lords, and remembering the state of property in this country, I do not think that the exercise of universal suffrage could end otherwise than in a collision that would produce either a Commonwealth on the one hand, or an absolute Monarchy on the other. Mr. Fox, however violent he might be in opposition to, or in pursuit of, a particular measure, yet pre

served a high degree of moderation in the most stormy times. When Mr. Fox was speaking of the doctrines of equality, so much in fashion at the time of the French Revolution, he said, 'I too, Sir, am for equality. I think that men are entitled to equal rights, but to equal rights to unequal things. To that observation, Sir, I adhere. I think that if universal suffrage were introduced, equal rights to unequal things could not in the long-run be maintained."

"Conservatives" and "Reformers."-During the election of a new Parliament which followed the accession of Queen Victoria in 1837, Lord John Russell, in addressing the electors of Stroud, thus referred to the suggested abolition of the terms Whig and Tory, and the adoption by the latter party of the then new term Conservative: "If they are really and truly conservatives as regards the general institutions of the country, no name is deserving of more adherents, or would meet with more general approval; but with them it is a mere change of name, a mere alias to persons who do not like to be known under their former designation, and who under the name of Conservatives mean to be conservative only of every abuse of everything that is rotten-of everything that is corrupt. If that, then, is the name that pleases them-if they say that the distinction of Whig and Tory should no longer be kept up-I am ready, in opposition to their name of Conservative, to take the name of Reformer, and to stand by that opposition. And in looking back to history, taking their sense of the denomination of Conservative, I think one may be as proud of the name of Reformer as they can be of the name of Conservative. What was Luther? Luther was a Reformer. Leo the Tenth, who opposed the Reformation, was a Conservative. What was Galileo? Galileo, who made great discoveries in science, was a Reformer. The Inquisition, who put him into prison, was Conservative. So, in the same way, with respect to every part of history, we find that in all times and in all countries there have been Reformers and Conservatives. The Christians who suffered martyrdom in Rome were Reformers. The Emperor who put these Christians to death, Nero, was a Conservative.”

.

The Ecclesiastical Titles Act.-"No Popery."-Earl Russell thus commented in his "Recollections" upon this Act, which was passed in 1851 :-" The object of that bill was merely to assert the supremacy of the Crown. It was never intended to prosecute any Roman Catholic bishops who did not act in glaring and ostentatious defiance of the Queen's title to the Crown. Accordingly, a very clever artist represented me in a caricature as a boy who had chalked up No Popery' upon a wall and then run away. This was a very fair joke. In fact, I wanted to place the assertion of the Queen's title to appoint bishops on the statute-book and there leave it. I kept in the hands of the Crown the discretion to prosecute or not any offensive denial of the Queen's rights. My purpose was fully answered. Those who wished to give the Pope the right of appointing bishops in England opposed the bill. When my object had been gained, I had no objection to the repeal of the Act."

"Factious Combination."-After the defeat of Lord Derby's Government in 1852, and the formation of the " Coalition Ministry" by

the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord John Russell (Secretary for Foreign Affairs) thus defended himself and his colleagues, before the electors of London, from the charge of factious combination: "If an omnibus, with some dozen passengers, were seen going down Ludgate-hill at a furious pace, and breaking into the shop windows, and injuring everybody that was going by, why, every man would concur-the men that were going eastward and the men that were going westward-all would concur in stopping that omnibus, and telling the coachman to get off his box. And how much surprised would all those passengers, with the policeman at their head, be if the coachman were to say, 'Why, this is a factions combination. You, gentlemen, are going some of you one way and some another, and yet you have all combined to prevent me driving my omnibus into the shops.' Such, however, was the charge made against us—a charge, however, which I think you will say we need not be very much concerned at."

"Peace with Honour."-On receiving an address at Greenock, in September, 1853, Lord John Russell spoke of the duty that devolved on this country to endeavour to secure the rights of nations by peace, if possible, and added: “But while we endeavour to maintain peace, I certainly should be the last to forget that if peace cannot be maintained with honour, it is no longer peace. It becomes then but a truce-a precarious truce, to be denounced by others whenever they may think fitwhenever they may think that an opportunity has occurred to enforce by arms their unjust demands either upon us or upon our allies. I trust that so long as I can bear any part in the public councils of this kingdom such will be my sentiments."

Dangerous People.-Earl Russell writes: "When we first heard of the seizure of the two Confederate commissioners on board the 'Trent' (in 1861), Lord Palmerston asked me privately what we should do. I answered shortly, quoting what Grattan said with reference to another power, and on another occasion, 'The United States' Government are very dangerous people to run away from.'"

Public Justice.-In May, 1854, Mr. Disraeli made a speech in the House of Commons animadverting severely on the general management of affairs by the Aberdeen Ministry, and in the course of it taunted Lord John Russell with having joined that Ministry "without a department," and "condescending to accept subordinate office under an ancient and inveterate political opponent." Lord John, in reply, defended his present connection with the Earl of Aberdeen, and expressed his confidence in his colleagues, adding: "Should I be of opinion that the conduct of the war is not safe in the hands of the present Government—that the Government is not carrying on the war with the vigour which makes war successful, and with a view to a peace which alone could be safe and honourable-from that moment I should cease to be a member of it. But, Sir, considering that that is the great and pressing question of the country, no taunts of the right honourable gentleman would make me leave the Government with which I am connected-a position, God knows, of more labour and anxiety than of any pleasure, profit, or emolu

ment. I repeat that, unless I were convinced that the present Government was more likely than any government which could be formed to carry on the war successfully, and to conclude it by an honourable peace, I should cease to be one of its members; but so long as I have that opinion, I shall trust to the House and to the country for putting a fair interpretation upon my conduct. I rely upon that justice which hardly ever fails to construe rightly the actions of public men."

"The Young Man from Northampton."-At the general election of 1857, a new candidate, of Northampton connections, was nominated by the Registration Association of the City of London to stand with other commercial men, to the exclusion of Lord John Russell. His lordship, in addressing the electors, made the following observations on this point: "If a gentleman were disposed to part with his butler, his coachman, or his gamekeeper-or if a merchant were disposed to part with an old servant, a warehouseman, a clerk, or even a porter-he would say to him, 'John (laughter), I think your faculties are somewhat decayed; you are growing old; you have made several mistakes; and I think of putting a young man from Northampton in your place.' (Laughter and cheers.) I think a gentleman would behave in that way to his servant, and thereby give John an opportunity of answering that he thought his faculties were not so much decayed, and that he was able to go on at all events some five or six years longer. That opportunity was not given to me. The question was decided in my absence, without any intimation to me, and I come now to ask you and the citizens of London to reverse that decision." The electors did so, Lord John being again returned in company with his former colleagues.

"Rest and be Thankful.”—Earl Russell was entertained to dinner at Blairgowrie on the 26th of September, 1863, when, replying to the toast "Her Majesty's Ministers," he said: "With regard to domestic policy, I think we are all pretty much agreed, because the feeling of the. country, and of those who have conducted great reforms, is very much like that of the man who, having made a road in your own highlands, put a stone on the top of the mountain with an inscription, Rest and be thankful.' That seems to be very much like our feeling; not that there are not other roads to make and other mountains to climb. But it seems to

be the feeling of the country, in which I cannot help joining, that our policy is rather to rest and be thankful' than to make new roads."

Talent in the Lords.-" When a great question arises (says Earl Russell) which requires a display of more than ordinary knowledge of history, more accurate learning, more constitutional lore, and more practical wisdom than is to be found in the usual debates of Parliament, I know not where

'the general debate,

The popular harangue, the tart reply,
The logic and the wisdom and the wit,'

are to be found in greater perfection than among the prelates on the episcopal bench, the peers of three centuries of nobility, and the recent occupants of the woolsack"