"Cranmer has got the right sow by the ear." When Sir Robert Walpole was asked how he had overcome Sir Spencer Compton, to whom the King was partial, he replied, "He got the wrong sow by the ear, and I the right." So vulgar and idiomatic are the phrases of English monarchs and ministers.

LORD MELBOURNE.
(1779-1848.)

His Manner in Debate.-Haydon, the painter, who was present in the House of Lords to hear a debate on the bill for the reduction of the Irish Church Establishment, in 1833, thus recorded his impressions of Melbourne's delivery: "In the Irish Church debate the Duke (of Wellington) spoke well, without hesitation, enforcing what he said with a bend of his head, striking his hand forcibly, and as if convinced, on the papers. He finished, and, to my utter astonishment, up starts Melbourne like an artillery rocket. He began in a fury. His language flowed out like fire; he made such palpable hits that he floored the duke as if he had shot him. But the moment the stimulus was over, his habitual apathy got a head; he stammered, hummed, and hawed. It was the most pictorial exhibition of the night. He waved his white hand with the natural grace of Talma, expanded his broad chest, looked right at his adversary like a handsome lion, and grappled him with the grace of Paris."

His Best Speech.-At the close of the session of 1836, Lord Lyndhurst made a review of its proceedings, and an attack on the Melbourne ministry, which elicited in reply what Melbourne's biographer (Mr. Torrens) terms the happiest and ablest speech of his life. He commenced by saying, "I readily admit the great power and eloquence of the noble and learned lord. His clearness in argument and dexterity in sarcasm no one can deny; and if he will be satisfied with a compliment confined strictly to ability, I am ready to render him that homage. But, my lords, ability is not everything. Propriety of conduct-the verecundia-should be combined with the ingenium, to make a great man and a statesman. It is not enough to be duræ frontis, perditæ audaciæ. The noble and learned lord has referred to several historical characters, to whom he has been pleased to say that I bear some resemblance. I beg in return to remind him of what was once said by Lord Bristol* of a great statesman of former times (the Earl of Strafford), to whom, I think, the noble and learned lord might not inapplicably be compared: The malignity of his practices was hugely aggravated by his vast talents, whereof God hath given the use, but the devil the application.' And the speaker concluded: "The noble and learned lord kindly advises me to resign, notwithstanding his own great horror of taking office after his ambition is already so fully satisfied. But I will tell the noble and learned lord that I will not be accessory to the sacrifice of himself, which he would be ready to make if the burthen of the great seal were again forced upon him. I conscientiously believe

*Lord Digby in the House of Commons, the Earl of Bristol in the Lords.See page 29.

that the well-being of the country requires in the judgment of the people that I should hold my present office-and hold it I will, until I am removed." It is recorded that the combatants on this occasion, like experienced men of the world, kept their temper, and good-humouredly owned the skill of each other's fence. Lyndhurst crossed the house when it was over, and chatted laughingly with his former colleague, as often was his way.

Dismissal of the Melbourne Ministry.-Many accounts of this occurrence were current at the time and afterwards, but the following particulars (gathered from Torrens' "Life of Melbourne") represent what appears to be the most correct version of the facts. The death of Earl Spencer in November, 1834, called to the Upper House his son, Lord Althorp, the Chancellor of the Exchequer and leader of the House of Commons. Lord Melbourne wrote to the King requesting an audience to submit for the royal consideration the views entertained by ministers of the general position of the Government in consequence, and their advice with regard to the future. William IV. received him without any seeming diminution of kindliness or confidence. The conversation lasted for an hour and a half, and to the unsuspicious Minister it appeared the wish of the King to disembarrass the discussion of all reserve. In answer to the inquiry who was to be charged with the conduct of public business in the Lower House, he submitted the name of Lord John Russell as best qualified by experience, talent, and position; but he suggested in the alternative the names of Spring Rice and Abercromby. Various difficulties and objections were discussed, but, without giving the Minister any reason to suspect what was contemplated, his Majesty said he would take time to think over the matter, and ended the consultation by saying, "Now let us go to dinner." Nothing more occurred during the evening; but next morning the King handed Melbourne a letter, evidently prepared with no little care, in which he stated that he was informed that Althorp's removal would speedily leave the Government in a minority in the Lower House; and, as they were already in that condition in the Upper, it had become necessary to place the conduct of affairs in other hands. No alternative proposal was suggested, or qualification offered of the peremptory nature of the dismissal. Melbourne did not affect to conceal his surprise and concern, but, too proud to parley for the retention of office after confidence in his judgment had been so unceremoniously withdrawn, he rejected, in the briefest terms which deference would allow, the offer of an earldom and the Garter. He desired to know when and to whom he should resign his trust. The King replied that he had made up his mind to send at once for the Duke of Wellington. As Melbourne passed through the adjoining room, he could not refrain from saying to Sir Herbert Taylor, by whose aid he knew that the written form of his dismissal had been prepared, "Your old master would not have done this." The private secretary was embarrassed what to reply, and in his confusion said he had just concluded a letter to Sir Henry Wheatley which his master thought it of the utmost importance to have delivered that night. Would his lordship object to allowing his servant, on reach

ing town, to leave it at St. James's Palace ? It was impossible not to divine that the missive which the perplexed amanuensis had just sealed contained a summons to the duke. The ludicrous aspect of the affair was irresistible; and Melbourne with a grim smile undertook to play the part of first mute at his own funeral.

The King Threatening Impeachment.-When Lord Melbourne was reinstated in the Premiership in 1835, after the defeat of Peel, the King could but ill conceal the dislike he felt for the Minister whom he had previously summarily dismissed from power; and occasionally it would break forth vehemently. Lord Gosford had been named Governor of Canada, and no objection had been raised to his appointment. At a meeting of the Cabinet on the 11th of July, Melbourne said to his colleagues, "Gentlemen, you may as well know how you stand," and then proceeded to read a memorandum of a conversation between Lord Gosford and the King after a review the day before. His Majesty said, "Mind what you are about in Canada. By I will never consent to alienate the Crown lands, nor to make the Council elective. Mind me, my lord, the Cabinet is not my Cabinet; they had better take care, or by I will have them impeached. You are a gentleman, I believe; I have no fear of you; but take care what you do." The ministers present stared at one another, but agreed that it was better to take no notice of what had occurred, and see if the King's excitement would pass away.

"The Opposition" an Irregular Epithet.-On the first day of the session of 1842, after Melbourne's retirement from office and the election of a new Parliament, Brougham took his seat on the front bench next to him, just as he had done (writes Torrens) seven years before, chatting with his former friends all round, whether they would or not. From that position he addressed the House on the notorious bribery of the last general election, apportioning the blame without fear, favour, or affection to the supporters of the party now in power, "over and against whom he had the honour to stand, and the party in Opposition, in the front rank of which he had the honour to take his place." (Hear, hear, and a laugh from Lord Melbourne.) "He was at a loss to know what was meant by the interruption. Was his noble friend lately at the head of the Government annoyed at the term Opposition ?" Melbourne retorted by reminding his implacable friend that so transcendent and impartial an arbiter of all legislative measures ought not to declare himself beforehand a leader of Opposition. In the good old times men were not ranged in accordance with plighted vows of party. He could recollect, when he was a member of the other House, a gentleman being called to order for designating some one as a member of the Opposition, and the Speaker ruling that the epithet was irregular.

A Brief Reply.-The most crushing reply (says the Quarterly Review) that any assailant ever received was on an occasion when Lord Brougham closed one of his most brilliant displays with a diatribe against the Melbourne Government. Lord Melbourne's reply was comprised in a single sentence: "My Lords, you have heard the eloquent speech of the noble and learned lord-one of the most eloquent he ever delivered in this

house-and I leave your lordships to consider what must be the nature and strength of the objections which prevent any Government from availing themselves of the services of such a man."

Not so Bad as he Seemed.-The discussions in the House on Church matters in 1837 gave rise to the following observations on the policy and opinions of Lord Melbourne by Sydney Smith (Letter to Archdeacon Singleton) :-" Viscount Melbourne declared himself quite satisfied with the Church as it is; but if the public had any desire to alter it, they might do as they pleased. He might have said the same thing of the Monarchy, or of any other of our institutions; and there is in the declaration a permissiveness and good humour which, in public men, has seldom been exceeded. But, if the truth must be told, our viscount is somewhat of an impostor. Everything about him seems to betoken careless desolation; any one would suppose from his manner that he was playing at chuck-farthing with human happiness; that he was always on the heel of pastime; that he would giggle away the Great Charter, and decide by the method of teetotum whether my lords the Bishops should or should not retain their seats in the House of Lords. All this is the mere vanity of surprising and making us believe that he can play with kingdoms as other men can with ninepins. Instead of this lofty nebulo, this miracle of moral and intellectual felicities, he is nothing more than a sensible honest man, who means to do his duty to the sovereign and to the country. Instead of being the ignorant man he pretends to be, before he meets the deputation of Tallow-chandlers in the morning he sits up half the night talking with Thomas Young about melting and skimming, and then, though he has acquired knowledge enough to work off a whole vat of prime Leicester tallow, he pretends next morning not to know the difference between a dip and a mould. I believe him to be conscientiously alive to the good or evil that he is doing, and that this caution has more than once arrested the gigantic projects of of the Lycurgus* of the Lower House."

66

Dispensation of Patronage.-Throughout a long official career (remarks Torrens), in which Lord Melbourne had enjoyed for the most part the especial confidence of the Crown, he neither sought nor would accept any personal favour or distinction. He was on one occasion pressed by the Sovereign to accept the blue riband, but declined. "A Garter," said he, 'may attach to us somebody of consequence whom nothing else can reach; but what would be the use of my taking it? I cannot bribe myself." As a rule, he generally would have dissuaded anyone he really liked from seeking a step in the peerage. He loved to tell the story of a certain earl whom Lord Cornwallis laughed at for wishing a marquisate: "I have no son and he has several, but if I had, I should remember that after such a promotion John and Tom could no longer afford to go to town on the top of the coach." Previous to the Queen's Coronation, when many were asking favours, an old friend wrote to say that he would call on him to explain what he desired to

Lord John Russell.

have as a recognition of long fidelity. He happened to be the fourth who had come on similar business the same morning, and, the Minister's patience being rather exhausted, he said quickly, "Well, what can I do for you?" Fearing to let the opportunity slip, the anxious visitor muttered, "I don't very much care about it myself, but my lady wishes that I should be a marquis." Melbourne, who knew that he was not rich, opened his eyes, and said, "Why, you are not such a fool as that, are you?" On another occasion, an unfortunate member of the party, whom he had once described as a fellow who was asking for everything and fit for nothing, intimated that he had a new request to make, for reasons he wanted an interview to explain. The weary dispenser of patronage showed his note to Anson, saying, "What the devil would he have now! Does he want a Garter for the other leg ?"

Political Tutor to Queen Victoria.-Lord Melbourne's greatest service to his country was perhaps the painstaking care which he had the opportunity of showing, in the initiation of a new sovereign, both youthful and feminine, into the duty and the routine of the exalted functions she was called upon to exercise. The easy and amiable manners of the man made this task much less irksome to both than it might otherwise have been, and the manner in which it was discharged has been gratefully acknowledged by the Queen on more than one occasion. But the testimony of the greatest of Melbourne's political opponents may be quoted. The Duke of Wellington, in a speech in the House of Lords in 1841, said: "I am willing to admit that the noble viscount has rendered the greatest possible service to her Majesty. I happen to know that it is her Majesty's opinion that the noble viscount has rendered her Majesty the greatest possible service, making her acquainted with the mode and policy of the government of this country, initiating her into the laws and spirit of the Constitution, independently of the performance of his duty as the servant of her Majesty's crown; teaching her, in short, to preside over the destinies of this great country."

LORD BROUGHAM.

(1778-1868.)

Irrepressible Speech. -Henry Brougham received from the Duke of Bedford the offer of a seat for his borough of Camelford, and was returned in 1810. He spoke for the first time on the 5th of March in that year, in support of a motion by Mr. Whitbread for a vote of censure on the Government of the day, and on Lord Chatham, as commander-in-chief of the expedition to the Scheldt. He was expected to fire off an oration the very night he took his seat, but he had made a vow not to speak for a month, and he kept it. "It was remarked" (writes Campbell) "that for the future he never was in his place a whole evening, in either House of Parliament, without, regularly or irregularly, more than once taking part in the discussions." This (says the Quarterly Review) is a little overstated; but his oratory was irrepressible, and he would have suffered from suppressed speech as another