residing with us, yet, as we had made the request, he would make known our wishes to His Lordship, and forward to us the reply for our information.

Shortly after this the Colonel again requested an interview. We felt highly gratified at the request, and immediately despatched some of our nobles to escort him to Hyderabad, where we met. At this meeting, the Colonel suggested to us the expediency of permitting the English Army a passage through our territories, both by land and water, on its expedition to Cabul. On this request of the English Government becoming public, all the Ameers and Bullochees, with one accord, set their faces against it, saying that by acceding to these small requests we might thereafter find ourselves involved in some inextricable difficulty. But being ourselves of ingenuous minds, and having a corresponding opinion of others, I and my brother unhesitatingly resolved upon complying with Colonel Henry Pottinger's request, and by dint of perseverance and persuasion brought the Bullochees and friends to consent to the measure. The required permission was accordingly granted, but we did not omit to inform Colonel Pottinger of the difficulties we had encountered before his wishes could be complied with. After this Colonel Pottinger quitted Hyderabad, and having encamped by the margin of the river, ordered the English troops from the Port of Bombay to proceed to Cabul through Sindh. Indeed, many were the reproaches we had to combat for the permission we had granted-a permission so much opposed to the wishes of our countrymen; but we thus acted in the hope that we should secure to ourselves the aid of the English in the event of an invasion of our territories by an enemy. Experience, however, has exhibited to us the reverse of what we had contemplated!-When the English Army reached Barry Goara, we were required to furnish supplies and camels for the troops, and fire-wood for the steamers. How I complied with this requisition it is unnecessary for me to detail. The manner in which I served the British on these exigencies has to this day been equalled by no other potentate in India.

When the English Army encamped at Jhurruk, fourteen cose from Hyderabad, Sir John Keane, contrary to the term of all existing Treaties, demanded of us, for the expenses of the troops, the payment of twenty-one lacs of Rupees in specie, and three lacs of Rupees annually. With this demand also we complied. It is an established custom with the English Government, in their Treaties with the Indian Powers, to include the term "generation after generation;" but the truth is that they limit the duration of a Treaty to the extent of their own convenience: the sad effects of this I have bitterly experienced.

After this a new Treaty was sent to me for signature, containing twentyfour articles, and to which I also acceded; but scarcely had the ink of my signature dried, when Major General Sir Charles Napier entered Sindh with his Army, and forwarded for my approval another Treaty. As a compliance with its too humiliating terms would, in effect, have been an absolute subscription to our downfall, we despatched a Wukeel to Sukkur, to the Major Gene ral, to represent to him the case in its true colours, but he plainly told the Wukeel that he had not come there to talk ;-that he was only acting under the orders of Lord Ellenborough, and if we did not immediately accede to the Treaty, he would forthwith enkindle the fire of destruction. He then, having crossed the Sukkur river, encamped at Lahoree, and demanded of Meer Roostum Khan, the Chief of Khyrpoor, the immediate surrender of that place, for otherwise he should attack it on the following morning, when he could not answer for the safety of the Ameer's private dwelling against the invasion of the soldiery. This poor man, helpless and weak, not knowing what might be the consequence, and intimidated by the threat, withdrew

himself from Khyrpoor and passed first into Bujee, thence to Nar, and from there to Kothra. His only alleged offence was this a letter had been stolen from Post belonging to some one of the English Army, and it was suspect ed that some villain of Khyrpoor had committed the theft. Sir Charles thereupon demanded of Meer Roostum Khan the seizure and delivery to him of the thief. But Meer Roostum being unversed in the art of divination was unable to discover the unknown offender; whereupon the Major General pronouncing him unfit for the Rulership, ejected him from his Government. The entreaties and solicitations of Meer Roostum Khan were unavailing; the Major General would hear him not, and as his only consolation directed him to proceed to Hyderabad, where he would himself also go and decide his

case.

Finding the General bent upon hostility, we informed Major Outram of the circumstance. The Major immediately came from Khyrpoor to Hyderabad, and informed us by letter that without our attestation to the Treaty for warded to us by Sir Charles Napier, we should obtain no hearing. We did as the Major desired. On the 9th of February 1843 he visited us, and being satisfied on hearing our explanation of the particulars, said, that he would that night send to us an European whom we were immediately to despatch on a fleet camel to Sir Charles Napier, in order that the ingress of the approaching force might be stayed. We did as we were desired; but on the 11th of February the Shootursuwars, (camel-riders), who had accompanied the European, returned and reported that immediately on his arrival Sir Charles Napier had struck tent and marched towards Hyderabad. We conveyed this intelligence to Major Outram. Major Outram immediately came over to us in the Fort and assured us on oath that Sir Charles had no hostile intentions towards us, if we but put our seal to the Treaty; and on my sealing and delivering it he said-" Now rest satisfied: I will forthwith despatch the Treaty to Sir Charles with a letter from myself, and am confident that on its receipt Sir Charles will immediately with draw the forces." The Major then gave me a letter, with the Treaty which I instantly despatched by a camel-rider to Sir Charles. On the 14th the camel-rider returned, saying that that letter also had effected nothing. I lost no time, in conveying this intelligence to Major Outram, but he took no further notice. Upon this the whole body of the Bullochees became disaffected.-For my sake they had, in the first instance permitted the English army a passage through the country on its expedition to Cabul: for my sake they had agreed to the mediate grant of twenty-one lacs of rupees, on the payment annually of three lacs more; and, lastly, when the English, infringing one Treaty had violated another, and a third, it was for my sake alone, that they had tamely submitted to remain quiet; but when they saw that, notwithstanding all these concessions and considerations shewn to the English, they were yet bent upon hostility, their indignation becoming irrepressible, and predominating over judgments, they no longer paid regard to my orders.

When they heard that Sir Charles Napier had, without a cause, imprisoned Hyat Khan, they determined upon revenging themselves on Major Outram. The moment I was informed of this I directed Juhan Khan, and Hadjee Ghoolam Mohummed to take twelve chosen armed men with him to escort Major Outram in safety to his place and protect him against any attempt upon his person by the infuriated Bullochees. He was thus conducted unmolested to his quarters, although clusters of Bullochees were here and there seen lurking with the full determination of revenge. But the men whom I had selected for the Major's escort were of a character to overawe them. Even

tually, when the Bullochees had resolved upon attacking the Residency, I conveyed timely notice to the Major, and am satisfied that that gentleman owed his safety entirely to the precautionary measures I had thus adopted. This circumstance alone is sufficient to evidence my good feeling towards the English.

When, on the 14th, the camel-rider returned and reported that the Major General, heedless of all the interdictions, was in full march upon Hyderabad, and bent upon hostilities, the Bullochees in number about five or six thousand marched out of Hyderabad with the intention of resistance. Upon hearing this I followed and explained to them that they had needlessly put themselves in hostile position because I was assured that the Major General would not be the first to manifest hostility towards an ally. I myself had gone with no intentions to fight. Had I entertained any such feelings I should have manifested them at the onset instead of waiting to do so until the eleventh hour. This circumstance is of itself sufficient to evince my innocency, that after the persuasion of two days and a night I induced the Bullochees to desist from all indications of hostility. They said that they consented to all that I required, but would not quit their ground so long as the English army were not advancing. Eventually they agreed to my sending a Wukeel to the General to say, that we were yet friendly to the English.

By dawn of the morning of the third day the General's forces opened upon us their guns, and the Bullochees in despair fired in return. Thousands were, upon our side killed, and the rest dispersed. With eighteen men I alone remained upon the field, but when I saw that all had fled, and the English bent only upon oppression, I returned to Hyderabad.

The turn which affairs had thus taken grieved me in the extreme. My own people began to upbraid me, saying, that if at the commencement I had not permitted the English to enter the country they would not that day have been thus oppressed. Had I felt a desire to fight, it is clear I should have quitted Hyderabad and retired to the mountains, from whence I might have commenced hostile operations; but having no such intentions I the next day voluntarily went to the English camp, and delivering my sword to the Major General, said,-" Why did you commence hostilities when I was ever ready to do as you desired?" The General returned me my sword and with a smile said, "Do you not be uneasy, within twenty-five days I will settle your affairs;" and added, "dismiss your troops that are near, and send for Meer Roostum Khan as I wish to see him."

When I had dismissed the troops, and Meer Roostum Khan had arrived, he, with myself and Meer Shahdad Khan, who was with me, were imprisoned. Sir Charles then sent Major Reed and other English Gentlemen into the fort on the plea of seeing it.

The wise who will hear this will become astounded, and will bite the finger of regret with the teeth of sorrow.- -Such was the state of things there while we were imprisoned.-On the plea of seeing they captured the Fort, and carried plunder and devastation to such a pitch that from under the arms of the soldiery gems and jewels were falling like grains of sand.

Three days after entry of the Fort, Meer Mohummud Khan was imprisoned, and on the following day Meer Sobdar Khan was brought out of the Fort, and likewise imprisoned. After this Meer Futteh Uli Khan, and Meer Mohummud Uli Khan, (sons of Meer Sobdar Khan) and Meer Hussein Uli Khan, and Meer Ubbass Uli Khan, (my own sons) were also

brought from the Fort to the place where I was. My sons in particular came so denuded that they had neither their sashes nor their swords; and the horses on which they came, with the golden saddles, were taken away; and although great anxiety was shewn by the youths for their restoration they were not returned. All the gold valuables were shut up and sent to Bombay. After a few days Meer Hoosein Uli Khan, with Meer Mohummud Khan, and Meer Yar Mohummud Khan were sent to Bombay. The plunder amounted in value to nearly eighteen crores of Rupees.

It is useless to detail the extent of our sufferings. Our matrasses, quilts, sheets, and wearing apparel were all taken away. Even the books which we had retained for our amusement were we deprived of by the English gentlemen. That which was written in our fate, the same has come to pass.I do not complain of Lord Ellenborough, or Sir Charles Napier, or any other English authority, for such was my destiny. It was inscribed in my fate that those whom I should befriend the same would become my enemies. -Praise be to God!—I might go on lengthening this narration, but it is unnecessary to do so. It will suffice to say that we were first sent as prisoners to Bombay; then to Sasoor, from whence Meer Shadad Khan alone was sent to Soorut. After a year passed there we were brought to Calcutta.

It cannot be otherwise than matter of astonishment that, beside the Gover nor of Bombay, no one from this Government has ever come to enquire who we were, and what we had done to merit the fate which has befallen us."

GH. Huttmann, Bengal Military Orphan Press.

THE

CALCUTTA REVIEW.

ART. I.-1. Second Report on the state of Education in Bengal.— District of Rajsahi, 1836. Published by order of Government. 2. Third Report on the state of Education in Bengal and Behar, &c. 1838. By William Adam.* Published by order of Govern

ment.

LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK was no mere theorist or visionary ;he was pre-eminently a practical man. Neither was he a mere statesman, cold and calculating-who regarded the masses of mankind as so many brute forces, to be moved or checked, separated or combined, by the impulses of a vain-glorious ambition, or the dynamics of an ever-shifting political expediency ;-he was in no ordinary degree a philanthropic man. Beneath a somewhat abrupt or even uncouth exterior of mannerism, apparently contracted amid his many rough experiences of human nature in some of its worst and most repulsive forms, there lay concealed a deep vein of ardent benevolence which ever sighed for a profitable outlet and longed unceasingly for the general amelioration of the species. From the moment of his arrival in India as the Representative of British Majesty and the head of the most powerful empire in Asia, his leading and predominant maxim was, that the vast and glorious realm, temporarily subjected by an over-ruling Providence to his sway, ought to be governed for the good of the Native inhabitants-the indigenous people of the soil-and not for the promotion of class interests or the aggrandisement of foreign rulers. He was, accordingly, by constitutional temperament, cherished predilec tions, and carefully cultivated habits of life, a Reformer. But, like every wisely practical and philanthropic Reformer, he was singularly cautious, patient, and indefatigable in his enquiries, before the final concoction of any important measure. Hence his seemingly lethargic slowness in forming and maturing plans, his stern and summary decision in adopting them when fully matured,

The first report has been purposely omitted here, as it consists merely of a digest of the information possessed previous to the more minute personal and local enquiries of Mr. Adam himself.

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