THE

SCOTTISH CONGREGATIONAL

MAGAZINE.

JANUARY, 1843.

THE NON-INTRUSION CONVOCATION.

EVERY reflecting reader of history will be jealous of clerical convocations. They have rarely resulted in good, but often in much mischief. They are in harmony, however, with the genius of Presbyterianism. The recent Convocation was a natural, and, perhaps, legitimate measure, but certainly hazardous. The result, in as far as developed in the resolutions adopted by the Convocation, and in the addresses delivered at the concluding meeting, will be regarded, we think, by the enlightened friends of religious liberty, as, upon the whole, equal to what the past could warrant us to expect. We have watched with intense interest the progress of the leaven of truth in the Established Church since the commencement of the present agitation; and though much remains to be effected, we do most unfeignedly rejoice to perceive that the movement is onward, and if with less rapidity than we could wish, yet with a steadiness and momentum which forbid the fear of retrogression. We cordially give the leaders of the Non-intrusion party credit for honesty and sincerity of purpose. We put ourselves in their position, and dare not conclude that, in that position, our selfishness and prejudices would have less influence upon our practice than theirs have upon them. We cannot but regard their pertinacity in adhering to error, as in their circumstances so far virtuous. They are conscientious. They have partially embraced truth without fully renouncing error. They have been accustomed to look with complacency upon the principle of state alliance as it secures a direct benefit, and having been led to embrace the principle of spiritual independence, they admire it, and are full of its praises, not perceiving that, embraced in its scriptural fulness, it is utterly subversive of their former principle with all its supposed benefits. The struggle, then, is to harmonize the newly admitted truth with the old and dearly cherished error. It is utterly impossible to do so in sound reasoning, and it will be found equally impossible to do so in practice. The Non-intrusionists think otherwise. Looking obliquely at spiritual independence, they see it in perfect harmony with state alliance; they would, therefore, move earth and heaven to secure the benefit of both. The attempt is essentially popish; they do not perVOL. III. NEW SERIES.

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ceive this, and we are not, therefore, to blame them for it. The right is here quite secure. No government will lack sagacity to perceive the utterly unreasonable character of the non-intrusion claims; and the party, when left to the indulgence of a false theory, and the practice of scriptural truth, will, ere long, become righted. We should not expect the triumph of freedom in any other way, nor should we enunciate truth in harsh tones even when the inconsistencies of those whom we would gain are glaring and repulsive, or when their treatment of ourselves or our principles is unjust and ungenerous.

It is interesting and profitable to mark the struggles of minds half emancipated, to harmonize their freedom with their remaining shackles. At the concluding meeting of the Convocation, Dr. Candlish was the principal speaker. His speech furnishes a striking illustration of what we refer to. He is evidently in a labyrinth. The more than usual wordiness of his address proves this. It not unfrequently happens, that the nearer men are to the full perception of important truth, and they are just beginning to see its inconsistency with previously cherished error, their fears are aroused, and ingenuity set to work to perpetuate a harmony which was hitherto regarded as real, and the breaking up of which threatens either interest or reputation. But let us glance for a moment at the speech of Dr. Candlish.

His sense of the importance of the Convocation is not lacking in intensity. "I do look back," he says, "upon the proceedings of the week, which is now drawing to a close, as a scene which assuredly, a few short years ago, I never expected to witness, and the like of which, I venture to say, the church of Christ, from the beginning, has scarcely ever seen." If we are to understand the phrase, "the church of Christ," in the most enlarged sense, the words present an instance of a mental phenomenon, not rare in circumstances of excitement. We think that, in looking over the history of the church of Christ from the beginning," we can mark "proceedings," if not "like," yet exceeding in importance those referred to. If by the "church of Christ" we are to understand the Church of Scotland, we must wait till the end, and then we shall be able to estimate the importance of the proceedings. We are not carping at words, but marking an instance of a very prominent, and indeed very natural, tendency to magnify every event connected with the present struggle, as if the parties engaged in it constituted alone the church over which Christ reigns. Further instances of this we shall adduce immediately. It would seem that the Convocation was not altogether destitute of the usual characteristics of clerical assemblages, and the manner in which the truth is let out, only tends to stimulate conjecture, and to lead to a conclusion worse, we believe, than the facts would warrant. It had been much better had the deliberations been conducted with open doors, than that in anticipation of its secrets being developed, such statements should be made as the following:

Things did pass at the Convocation which were capable of misrepresentation and perversion,-things which will unquestionably reach the ears of our enemies, and perhaps it is for this very end that Satan is permitted occasionally to gain an advantage, that he may thereby encourage those who would

combine against the church,-but whether it be so or not, some things did pass at the Convocation which our enemies, in their ignorance, might take advantage of to persevere in their infatuated course, and to presume on our internal divisions—the wish being father to the thought,'-while, on the other hand, our friends will be greatly cheered and encouraged when they are made to know that, often when we seemed in danger of disagreeing, unanimity in a marvellous manner was brought about, and the brethren enabled to dwell toge ther in unity; for such is the effect of honesty of purpose,-such is the effect of cordiality and union, in regard to the great essentials of the gospel of Christ, that where brethren seem not to see eye to eye all at once, yet by prayer and mutual explanations, by patience and forbearance, the Lord sheds light upon them, and they all come to be of one mind, as from the beginning they were of one heart."

We are not of the enemies who would rejoice in the divisions of the Non-intrusionists. We hail their unity, in as far as it is on the ground of scriptural truth, with the sincerest pleasure as a token for good; but we have not assurance that the oil thrown upon the rising storms in the Convocation will produce a lasting calm. Nor is it, perhaps, desirable that it should; the agitation of the waters is healthful; it disturbs the hurtful sediments, and brings to light. sometimes hidden gems.

To some it will appear that the conditional resolution to come out is nothing more than a resolution to make a virtue of necessity. It has too much in its character to justify such an opinion; but we must not forget how much is at stake, and how ready the noblest spirits are to cleave to the dust. The contention, we admit, is for a principle; but when the sacrifice of property is involved, there are those who will give little credit for any thing in motive superior to the sordid. The following is Dr. C.'s statement regarding the decision of the Convocation:" The good Spirit of the Lord has enabled the brethren to meet in solemn convocation to lift up a calm, clear, and consistent testimony, in behalf of the truth of God as it regards the crown of our Redeemer; and they were of one mind and one heart, -not to anticipate Providence, not to make haste, but to stand still and await the salvation of the Lord, whether our deliverance is to come from the temporal power, or whether it is to come, as it has often come in days past, in the midst of persecution from the temporal power, from the hand of the Lord giving us unexpected aid.”

There is so much sincerity and seriousness in this statement as almost forbids an analysis of its contents, yet with us true spiritual independence-men it cannot go down. If the "salvation" meant be the exercise of spiritual freedom both by ministers and people, it is just as open to the Non-intrusionists as it is to us; that is, it is as free as the air we breathe. To wait for that which God has placed within our reach is faithless and something worse. But if by "salvation" be meant the security of temporal support, it is a degradation of the hallowed term, and that support, weighed in the balance with Christian freedom and independence, is as dust. What hindereth the Non-intrusionists from enjoying to the full the liberty and spiritual independence which they claim? Nothing but the dread of sacrificing earthly good. Would Paul, if in the Convocation, lift up his right hand in support of the resolution to wait? Nay verily; he would trample state patronage beneath his feet, and testify the

power of his faith in practising the commands of his Master, frown-ing upon the moral cowardice that would wait in such matters the decision of any earthly power. But what "persecution" do the Non-intrusionists anticipate from the state in the event of their being obliged to give up the endowment? Nothing more, we should suppose, than what is now experienced by those who do not receive the endowments. Are dissenters then persecuted? The advocates of state alliance will not allow that they are; but to be placed in the same position would, to churchmen, be persecution, for deliverance from which they would look for divine interposition! Let our readers ponder the following most extraordinary passage:

"The first series of resolutions brings out the right of the Lord Jesus to require from His Church implicit, unreserved, absolute submission to His authority, to His law,-irrespective of any thing the Civil Magistrate or the tem poral powers may say or do. And on the other hand, while this first principle brings out the right of Christ, to the submission, absolute and unreserved, of all his servants in the Church, whether office-bearers or members, to Him and to him alone, without regard to the declarations of the kings and princes of the earth; the second series of resolutions brings out the right of the Lord Jesus Christ to be acknowledged by the Civil Magistrate as the Prince of the kings of the earth,-His right to call upon the Civil Magistrate as such, and in his official capacity to acknowledge him, and to devote the national resources to the advancement of His glory and the good of His Church. This is the second principle conveyed in our testimony, that the Lord Jesus Christ is not only supreme over His Church, so that the Church is bound to obey Him alone, and to take his law alone for their rule and guidance, irrespective of human statutes altogether; but it is that the Lord Jesus is King, not only over His Church, but that He is Head over all things to His Church,—that He is King of kings and Lord of lords; and that he is entitled to receive the submission of the princes of this world, who are bound to acknowledge Him in all they do, and are bound to employ their resources according to His will, and to the advancement of His glory. Now, as from the principle that Christ is the Head of the Church, so that the Church is bound to obey Him, and Him alone, it follows, that the Church ought to be free from subjugation in every other quarter, and especially ought to be free from the control of the State, so, from the principle that Christ is to be acknowledged by the Civil Magistrate, as such, it follows that he, in thus acknowledging Christ, and seeking to promote His glory, must be free from all other control, and must take his rule, not from the Church, but from Christ's own word alone; both Church and State being bound to acknowledge Christ, and Him alone. Hence, as the Church is bound to take her authority from Christ alone, from his Word and not from the State,-so the State in all it has to do for the advancement of Christ's glory, and in acknowledging Christ as King, is bound to take its directions from Christ alone,—from His Word, and not from the Church at all. These are sacred principles; the one being co-relative to the other; and both together complete the glorious testimony which this Church is now called to bear for the crown of Christ,-for His mediatorial crown, as King of His Church, and King of nations. And the application of these views to the present position of the Church is not difficult,-it is short and simple; it follows from the doctrine which I have endeavoured to explain, with respect to Christ's right of control over the Civil Magistrate, and the Civil Magistrate's duty to acknowledge Christ, and to use his resources for the advancement of Christ's kingdom, and to do this on his own responsibility,-it follows clearly from this, that as the Civil Magistrate would do wrong were he to dictate to the Church in the discharge of her duty to her great King and Head, so equally the Church would be wrong if she were to dictate to the Civil Magistrate in the discharge of his duty, and the disposal of his resources for the cause of Christ." Here is a fair exposition of the principle of state alliance. How repugnant to reason! The discordant elements of our Houses of Parliament, constituted judges of spiritual things; for without this