to speak somewhat at length of the work, when completed, and to lay before our readers an abridgement of the important information, which we expect it will contain, judging from the able manner in which the subject is handled in this first volume.

La Musique mise à la Portée de tout le monde. Par M. Fetis, Redacteur de la Revue Musicale. Paris, 1830. 1 vol. 8vo.

Ir is sometimes asked whether the just perception of harmonious effect be the result of study only. M. Fetis thus replies to the question. If,' he says, "I were to speak en artiste, I should answer in the affirmative, and I should say with pride that, for me, there are certain delights in music, which will never be the portion of men of the world; I would maintain that these delights were the liveliest of all, in order to show more forcibly the kind of superiority, which But it is not with this view that I have a special knowledge gives me. written my book. My object is to indicate the means for increasing enjoyment, and directing the judgment, without the necessity of submitting to a novitiate which few have time, or inclination to perform.'

M. Fetis continues in the same spirit of plain speaking throughout the work, which, after some introductory remarks on the object, origin, and power of music, initiates the reader in the mysteries of intonation, vocalization, &c. Then follow the author's notices of melody and harmony, and on the employment of the voice, which latter closes this part of the work.

M. Fetis has furnished some highly curious details on the subject of instrumental music. Each instrument is the subject of a separate dissertation, in which its origin, history, object, resources, and effects, are accurately given; to all which are added biographical notices of the artists who have contributed to His reflections on inthe improvements and success of particular instruments. strumental execution, will be read with advantage both by amateurs and artists.

The work concludes with remarks on the prejudices of the learned and unlearned in musical matters; and here M. Fetis is very happy in his criticisms. In style this volume is a gratifying exception to the generality of works on music. M. Fetis is evidently an erudite scholar, a liberal critic, and learned professor of his art; and we doubt not that his work will be extensively circufated, possessing, as it does, every quality which can recommend it to enlightened patronage.

Préjugés des Réputations. Par J. B. Salgues. Paris, 1829.

He

THIS is a work full of satirical power. Vanity, hypocrisy, and political quackery are 'shown up' in their native beauties. But the author is equally ready to acknowledge the claims of genuine ability, wherever he finds it. is a friend to genius, to plain speaking, and plain dealing, and of course a foe to pretension, to intrigue, to all the damnable practices which constitute the sçavoir vivre of these unrivalled days. One extract we shall make from the work to show that the author' loves women much, but truth more,' as Madame de Genlis will acknowledge with less than her ordinary equanimity.

'I know,' says M. Salgues, all that can be said by men known in France by the name of Frondeurs. They will contend that Madame la comtesse de Genlis, with some talent and very little knowledge, has given herself up to such an excess of self-love, that she has become perfectly ridiculous; that she has perceived no greater merit than her own; that she has simply believed herself one of the towers of the social order; a pattern of the church militant; a fortunate rival of the celebrated magpie, which maintains a thesis de omni re

scibile

scibile-that is, on all that can be known; that, in attacking all reputations, in meddling with all kinds of interests, she has justly drawn upon herself the most pointed reprisals; that, like the mountain in labour, she pretended to call the attention of all Europe to her parturition of trifles; that of the hundred volumes from her pen, scarcely eight or ten will descend to posterity; that her style is habitually easy and flowing, but that it is also deficient in splendour and power; that her verse is still weaker than her prose; and that by giving herself such abundant praise, she has prevented others from giving her any. That her pretensions to piety, that the war which she has declared against philosophy have filled up the measure of ridicule; because piety without charity, and the practice of the evangelical virtues, is generally nothing but quackery, to which hypocrisy and vice have recourse to conceal their deformity, and because sincere piety is humble, gentle, affectionate, and tolerant, while Madame de Genlis is constantly vain, jealous, full of hatred, meddling, intolerant,' &c.

Several others are disposed of in an equally merciful manner; and we would observe, that though, in many instances, the severity has been well deserved, yet occasionally it falls on follies which are harmless, and on faults that must be more leniently judged, or verily, few men will be justified in the eyes of Mr. Salgues.

L'Espagne sous les Rois de la Maison de Bourbon, ou Mémoires relatifs à l'Histoire de cette Nation depuis l'Avénement de Philip V. en 700, jusqu'à la Mort de Charles en 1788. Ecrits en Anglais sur des documens originaux, inédits, par W. Coxe, Auteur de l'Histoire de la Maison d'Autriche, traduits en Français avec des notes et des additions par Don Andres Muriel. 6 vols. 8vo. Paris.

THIS is a work which will reward the attention of those interested in the Spanish history, during the eighteenth century. Senhor Muriel is a Spanish ecclesiastic long resident in Paris, but in the improvement and completion of Coxe's work, he has evinced no party spirit, nor any other distinctive quality than those belonging to him, as a learned and judicious Spaniard. Without altering the text of his original, he corrects in some cases by notes, in others by supplementary remarks, all that calls for such animadversion in the British author, who, though conscientious and candid, has, perhaps, taken a somewhat partial view of the diplomatic transactions between England, France, and Spain, during the eighteenth century. The views of Senhor Muriel on the present state of Spain, and on the effects of the Bourbon dynasty, are sound and well digested. It is manifest that the writer must have made his subject the study of years, and that he has consulted those well acquainted with the events of the reign of Carlos III., an important epoch in the modern history of Spain, as pointing out the means to be pursued for restoring that misgoverned country to that state, for which its great resources so eminently qualify it. The minute designation of the practical steps to be taken towards this end, given by Senhor Muriel, is worthy of serious attention from all patriotic Spaniards of what party soever. The opinions of the writer as to points of literature are not so unexceptionable. Nor will many Spaniards agree with him on the subject of the Spanish expeditions, and the efforts made for the re-establishment of Spanish influence in Italy. But these slight matters form no essential drawback on the general merit of the work, which is fully deserving of the appreciation which it has met with from the government in Spain-the author having been rewarded with the decoration of the royal order of Carlos III.

Essai de Statistique générale de la Russie. Par M. J H. Schweitzler. Paris et Strasbourg, 1829.

THE want of a good geographical and political manual of the present state of Russia has been long sensibly felt. The works of Leclerc and Tooke make us very imperfectly acquainted with the actual state of that country under the reign of Catherine II.; and those of Raymond and Lesur, composed at the period of the French invasion, and, according to all appearance, by order of Napoleon, have not only a slight tint of that colouring, but are besides not very exact, and are formed of materials of the date of Paul I. The description given of Russia in the geography of Malte-Brun was more satisfactory as regards its geology, agronomique, and the comparative study of languages; but the topographical information was not always exact, nor did the author draw a picture applicable to the general character of the empire. A similar work, by M. A. Babbi, is executed with more care; but its form (that of one large sheet) does not admit of the insertion of a number of indispensable details, and has beside the effect of rendering the use of it extremely difficult to all, who are not fortunate enough to possess the eyes of a lynx.

A residence of four years in the country, and a perfect knowledge of the language, have enabled M. Schweitzler to gain possession of a multitude of documents inaccessible to most of our geographical writers; and these he has carefully compared with those published by the most celebrated statiscians of Germany, and has composed an excellent work, which, under the modest title of an Essay on Statistics,' contains not only a good geographical and statistic account of Russia, but a well-digested view of the actual state and history of that immense empire. The plan of his book is well chosen, and the reader will find in it a multitude of ideas, and information, which he would vainly search for elsewhere.

With regard to the surface of the country, Schweitzler has adopted the calculations of M. Hassel as approaching nearest to truth; and it appears that this empire consists, exclusively of Poland, of 372,636 square miles, of fifteen to the degree, and 54,323,507 inhabitants, of whom 45,000,000 are slaves! So that there are in Russia 145 inhabitants to the square mile. The sum total of the known revenue amounts to 312,197,000 roubles in paper, about 11 d. each English money, of which 90,000,000 are produced by the monopoly of brandy alone; and it is sad to see that almost a third of the receipts of government is founded upon encouragement given to the disgusting vice of drunkenness. The annual expenses of Russia amount to about 300,000,000 of roubles, consequently the state would be in continual pecuniary embarrassments, if it did not possess other secret revenues, which are indeed hinted at in M. Schweitzler's book.

The national debt bearing interest amounted, in the year 1824, to 847,341,010 francs. A commission, instituted in 1817, laboured at the gradual reduction of this debt, and also the abolition of paper money, the amount of which in circulation was about 600 millions of francs, a sum which made just double the value of all other sorts put in circulation during a century, viz. from 1718 to

1818.

The absolute sum total of the forces is 650,300 men, to which must be added about 20,000 officers of all ranks. The fleet is composed of 34 vessels of the line, 19 frigates, 9 corvettes, and as many brigs.

In Russia, as is well known, all power emanates from the sovereign, whose authority is without participation or control, and which no charter or capitulation has ever attempted to moderate. Formerly, however, the great lords or 'Boyards' were not without influence at the court of the czars, and their

ordonnances

ordonnances commenced by this form, The Grand Duke has ordered,-the Boyards have approved, &c. At all times, however, this voice was rather nominal than real, and Peter the Great had little trouble in suppressing it altogether. This reforming monarch rid himself likewise of another trammel more embarrassing, that of the patriarchal chair; and since his time the imperial power has been truly unlimited, and the Russian monarchy the most despotic and absolute in Europe, although the determinations of the monarch may sometimes be influenced by traditions and ancient usages. Far from being hurtful to the liberal developement of the nation, this absence of all restriction to the sovereign will may be regarded as a benefit in Russia, without which the aristocracy would press more heavily than they do upon the mass of the population. Unity and power are there, as they once were in France, the only condition of the possible emancipation of the people. In a country where there is no other fundamental law than the will or caprice of him who governs, there will naturally occur many and great abuses of power-less, certainly, under an enlightened prince than others, yet nothing can entirely prevent them; and where despotism is so deeply rooted in the administration, the best intentions of the monarch remain often without effect. In 1814, Álexander astounded his allied brethren by loudly proclaiming the principle that law is stronger than the sovereign; but it is impossible to believe with M. Schweitzler that since then justice has taken the place of despotism in Russia: indeed he is obliged to confess himself that it not unfrequently strikes even the ministers and courtiers.

The nobility were always numerous in Russia, being generally in possession of the various offices of the state. They formed also the base and the principal element of the armies of the grand dukes. Although bending under the weight of a despotic sceptre, and always humble in the presence of the czar, never was a nobility more urgent or presuming on their birth or acquired rights; from which continually resulted, amongst the most illustrious families, the most serious disputes and rivalries. Before taking office or entering any service, every nobleman examined most particularly what were the pretensions of those from whom he was to take orders, comparing those of his future chief with his own. This was a state of things which gave rise to disputes and discussions to which there was no end.

Feodor, in 1681, put a stop to these disorders, by declaring that merit alone was eligible to honours and employments, and he caused all the old documents relating to the ancient nobility of the empire to be burnt. Peter the Great finding his nobility unmanageable, and opposed to his system of reform, set himself the task of subduing them by competition. He created, therefore, a second order of nobility, besides the counts and barons of the empire, to which merit and services only could gain access, and which he raised even above the old hereditary nobility. A new hierarchy of rank was also introduced in 1721, and all officers, civil and military, were included in fourteen classes, of which the first eight conferred hereditary, and the others personal nobility. This important measure is at the present moment in full force, with some slight modifications made by Catherine II. It was excellent for the times of Peter; but offers now several serious inconveniences, and visibly hurts the progress of civilization. It increases, in the first place, the nobility almost to infinity, and strips the middle class of all its most distinguished members, or rather prevents entirely the existence of it, by taking from the arts and industry men who would have contributed to their success, were they not thus forced to support a rank which has generally no accordance whatever with their fortune.

The central point of all administration in Russia is the monarch himself, and it is to his sanction that all measures of importance must be submitted. Three other bodies, however, take also a leading part in the administration, and

these

To the

these are, the council of the empire, the senate, and the holy synod. first every affair of consequence connected with internal policy is referred, and to it the Emperor himself refers those things which he does not choose to decide upon. The senate is usually considered as the first body of the state; and, although it has in fact lost much of its influence, its ordonnances have the force of law, and only the emperor has the power to arrest their effects. It would exercise an authority much more salutary, however, if the formalities were simplified, and if, instead of a pretended gratuitous procedure, it was permitted to put an end to the gross corruption of the inferior judges. The holy synod is the supreme authority of the Greco-Russian church; the executive power, nevertheless, is, like all other, in the hands of the sovereign, and by him confided to his secretaries of state, the union of whom forms a sort of fourth body, but subordinate to the great bodies of whom we have just spoken. At all times the authority of ministers is special and individual; and certain measures only are submitted by them to the discussion of the committee. They make their reports to the emperor, who forwards them, as well as the annual accounts, immediately to the senate, one of whose attributes is to control the ministers.

The local administration is confided to governors, general and civil. The first, amounting to the number of fourteen, comprehend three or four governments, and are generally held by military officers of the rank of at least lieutenant-generals, who command at the same time all the troops stationed in their different districts. Besides being endowed with great power, these governorsgeneral enjoy exclusive rights. The senate may demand an account of their actions; but the emperor alone can reprimand them, or inflict on them any punishment. Russia contains fifty-one of these governments. In its original extent one government comprised 300,000 or 400,000 miles; but at present this rule admits of numerous exceptions, there being a variety of subdivisions, created or altered according to circumstances.

Histoire de Philippe Auguste. Par Monsieur Capefigue. 4 vols. 8vo.

Paris, 1829.

MR. CAPEFIGUE is truly a man of talent. It is no easy matter now-a-days to conciliate critical favour. The claimants are too numerous and the journalist too much occupied-his pages or columns too crowded-and sometimes (rarely of course) His Sublimity himself too indolent for the favourable notice of any but ready-made reputations, and such rising ones, as advance under the sheltering wing of a very particular friend of mine. Mr. Capefigue, however, had no sooner published the work under consideration, than the critical among his countrymen were loud in their praises of the depth of his historical views and the elegance of his style.

I have been reproached,' says the author in a note, p. 185 of the third volume, with having too frequently quoted the poet-biographer of the king. This observation argues an ignorance of the historical importance of the poem. Guillaume le Breton is full of details of great value concerning the events which he narrates. He followed the king, and was present in all the wars undertaken,' &c. But what are these so precious details? Sometimes they tell us how the moon rises, at others how the sun sets, with all the pomp of poetic description; now the humid earth evaporates; now the barons, embarked for Palestine, cast their riches into the sea to escape from shipwreck; here the Count of St. Paul, like to the sparrow-hawk which disperses the affrighted canarybirds-there a Homeric battle, in which the reader is regaled with the complimentary salutations addressed to each other by the combatants.

If we follow the historian in his description of the plunder to which the warriors