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The following biographical, sketch of Madame Adelaide is furnished chiefly by the Constutionnel

to give a series of parties at the end of the season, | bitter-I am touched to the heart by the testimony to compensate pleasure-hunters and tradesmen for of your sympathy, and at seeing the chamber so the loss of the fètes usual at this period. Before numerous around me." The royal family then the funeral, prospective gayeties are promised, lest retired to the private apartments. the mercurial and mercenary should be dangerously displeased, and loss of pleasure or profit swell the guests at some reform banquet. In the midst of the weeping, an eye is kept to business; and the unentombed king is paternally helping to establish the future regent on a pleasant footing with the holiday-makers and retail dealers of his capital.-Joseph of Orleans, and Louis Marie Adelaide de Spectator, 8 Jan.

"Madame Adelaide, sister to the king of the French, was born in Paris, on the 23d of August, 1777; and was the daughter of Louis Philippe

Bourbon Penthièvre. This princess, whose character was ever remarkable for firmness and wit, has not figured officially in any political events; and yet her part has not been an unimportant one. The king loses in her not only a most intelligent and devoted friend, but an invaluable adviser and a useful mediator. Madame de Genlis first superin

THE fears of Pius the Ninth's retrograde condition deepen; still, we think, on insufficient evidence. A coincidence, however, is noted between these reports, the arrival of Lord Minto in Rome, and the continued intercourse of that nobleman with the sovereign pontiff. Lord Lansdowne tended the early education of Princess Adelaide made an emphatic declaration, that his colleague had gone to Italy for the purpose of moderating the counsels of the leaders in the movement: is it possible Lord Minto can have been telling the pope that he was going too far, and that even liberal England expected less of him than he was prepared to vouchsafe? Of course we can have no present answer to the question; in the secret operations of diplomacy, the mischief is all done before one knows anything about it. Lord Minto may truly represent his son-in-law, Lord John Russell, or the gentlemen that frequent Lansdowne House; he may ably negotiate the terms of an accredited intercourse; but as a moderator of counsels, we do not know what qualification he the princess first became separated from her possesses to represent the opinions of England.—mother. Spectator, 8 Jan.

and her twin sister, who died young. She inculcated the ideas of Rousseau on education, which then prevailed; and the politer arts were not forgotten. The influence exercised by Madame de Genlis over her pupil, and her brothers, excited the jealousy of their mother, the Duchess of Orleans; who, after somewhat violent altercations, caused her to be dismissed. This was the cause of such profound grief on the part of the Princess Adelaide, that her health suffered, and it became necessary to recall Madame de Genlis. This lady, unwilling to submit to daily bickerings with the duchess, had the art to obtain permission to travel with her charge in England; and it was thus that

"The events of the revolution were destined, however, to disturb the course of an existence which DEATH OF MAD. ADELAIDE.-The two cham-seemed out of the reach of all injuries of fortune. bers paid the king a visit of condolence. The Mademoiselle Adelaide was placed on the list of chancellor of France and the members of the emigrés. But her father, who was himself threatchamber of peers, in full costume, were received ened, soon obtained the revocation of the measure. in the hall of the throne, by the king, queen, the The princess had scarce, however, entered France Duchess of Orleans, and the princes and princesses with Madame de Genlis, when she received an of the royal family, attired in deep mourning. The order from Paris to leave the capital within twentyking replied with emotion to the address of the four hours, and the country within three days; and chancellor. An hour later, the chamber of depu- the Duke of Chartres, her brother, hearing of the ties, headed by the president, repaired in proces-extremity in which she was placed, came from sion to the palace. All the ministers were pres- the army to her assistance, and brought her to ent, as well as the chiefs of the different sections Tournay. of the dynastic opposition-Messrs. Thiers, Dufaure, Billault, Remusat, and Odilon Barrot; who united with their conservative colleagues in a joint expression of sympathy and deep regret. M. Sauzet, president of the deputies, addressing the king, merely said, in trembling accents, "Sire, we do not come to trouble your grief by words, but to associate our grief with yours, and to bring you the lively sympathies of the country." The king wept so that his tears choked his voice; and the deputies who were close to him could only catch these broken phrases: "I had hoped to-morrow to have had to thank the chamber for its reception -that would have been sweet to my heart-I feel that I am giving way to my sorrow-it is very

"It was some time after this that the young exile and her governess settled at Schaffhausen in Switzerland; where the Duke of Chartres, who had in the mean while also been exiled, came to join her. The town of Schaffhausen offering little security, they were soon induced to leave it, and proceed to Zurich; which they were soon obliged also to abandon, to go to Zug. There, under the name of an Irish family, they were enabled to stay for a month.

"Though the life they led was exceedingly retired, and seemed likely to escape public notice, they were recognized by some emigrés, and it became necessary to seek another asylum. This was made doubly painful, as it involved a separation

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sides, he trusted, says the governor-general's despatch, "to the generosity of France," and surrendered on condition of being sent to Alexandria or St. Jean d'Acre.

between the Duke de Chartres and his sister; he | Abd-el-Kader had cut his way to the banks of the by his presence subjecting her to the severities of Moulouia; but, finding himself surrounded on all governments and their police. Their perplexity was great, but a lucky circumstance solved their difficulties. General Montesquiou was at that time in Switzerland, and had done certain services to the government of Geneva, which had caused him to be generally looked up to in that canton. By his intervention Mademoiselle Adelaide and Mad. de Genlis obtained leave to enter the convent of Sante Claire, at Baumgarten; and remained there until the 11th of May, 1794; when she retired to the house of the Princess of Conti, her aunt, in Hungary. From thence she went to join the Duchess of Figueras, in Catalonia; where she remained till 1808.

"The Spanish war then commenced; and, being obliged to fly, she commenced a wandering Odyssey in search of her brother; whom she found, after many vicissitudes, at Portsmouth, just about to embark. The delight of both at meeting is easily understood. They promised never to separate from each other; and this promise was religiously kept. In January, 1809, the princess and the duke left England for Malta; and some time after she had the joy to witness the marriage of her brother and the Princess Marie Amelie; who, in marrying an exile, little thought he would become king of the French.

"With the restoration, a little repose was obtained for the existence of Mademoiselle d'Orleans. The faults of the government then caused the Duke of Orleans to play a distinguished part, and obtained for him an influence which the revolution of July gave full effect to. Mademoiselle Adelaide did not a little contribute, during the fifteen years' struggle, to rally round her brother the divers political influences which the restoration seemed to coalesce against herself. When in 1830 it became necessary for the Duke of Orleans to declare for the acceptance or refusal of the crown, Madame Adelaide bravely engaged for her brother, and offered to come to Paris first to share the dangers of the Parisians. Since then, she has not ceased to share in and serve the fortunes of the king."

Madame Adelaide had for a considerable time suffered from asthma, combined with disease of the heart. But for some days after the commencement of the attack of influenza, and even as late as the 30th December, no serious apprehensions were entertained. Even on that day her royal highness got up; merely complaining of extreme weakness. In the evening, she received the king and the royal family; and talked of being present, but sitting," at the receptions on the jour de l'an. She afterwards slept in her arm-chair; and it was during this sleep, to all appearance natural, that the death-struggle commenced.

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ABD-EL-KADER.-The rumored surrender of Abd-el-Kader has been confirmed by the arrival of that chief at Toulon; and despatches from the Duke d'Aumale and from General de Lamoricière gives the details of the emir's last gallant struggle.

His last exploit was an attack on the Moorish camp, on the night between the 11th and 12th December. The enemy was so numerous that he was obliged to concentrate his forces, and retire in the direction of the Moulouia and between that river and the sea. The Moorish camps continued to draw closer the circle by which he was surrounded. Active operations were retarded for some days by the weather; but on the 21st the emir began to transport his baggage and deira across the river, with the view of conducting them into the French territory, and then retreat to the south with all who wished to follow him.

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"The commencement of the passage of the river," says the Duke d'Aumale, was the signal for the combat; to which the Moorish Kabyles, excited by the prospect of plunder, rushed with fury; but the infantry and irregular cavalry of the emir, sustaining to the last their ancient reputation, resisted throughout the entire day. Not a mule, nor the smallest portion of baggage, was conquered from them. By nightfall they had lost one half of their number; the rest dispersed. The entire deira had gained the French territory. The Moors ceased the pursuit."

Having brought his advance into the country of the Mesirda, Abd-el-Kader quitted it, and sought an asylum among a fraction of the Beni-Snassen tribe who remained faithful; and through whose country he hoped to gain the south. General de Lamoricière, however, divined his purpose, and kept close upon his track. Still the emir could have got off; but he appears to have taken the sudden determination which ended in a convention with the general. On the afternoon of the 22d December, Abd-el-Kader was received at the marabout of Sidi Brahim, and in an hour was conducted to Nemours; where the Duke d'Aumale announced to his captive that he would have to embark for Oran on the following day; to which he submitted, "not without emotion, and some repugnance. It was the last drop of the cup of affliction."

The emir and his suite embarked at Oran on the 25th December, and arrived at Toulon on the 28th. He had with him his three wives and two sons, one of his brothers-in-law, and two trusty officers. On the following day, Abd-el-Kader and his suite landed, and took up their quarters in the Lazaretto.

The Toulonnais describes the emir's personal appearance

"Abd-el-Kader is of middling height. The expression of his countenance is mild, and rather mystical than warlike. His complexion has not that perfect purity which distinguishes the Arab aristocracy; his face is pitted with small marks, which look like the traces of small-pox; and in the

middle of his forehead is a small tattoo mark. His beard is very black, but not thick. His costume is so simple that it is perhaps not quite devoid of affectation."

From the Spectator.

DEFENCE OF GREAT BRITAIN.

THE Morning Chronicle has put an end to all doubt as to the existence of the Duke of Wellington's letter to Sir John Burgoyne, by publishing it, as follows:

Colonel de Beaufort, aide-de-camp to the Duke d'Aumale, arrived at Paris on Saturday evening, and presented to the king the pistol of the emir. "STRATHFIELDSAYE, 9th Jan. 1847. He also conveyed to Madame de Lamoricière the To Maj. Gen. Sir John J. Burgoyne, K. C. B., sword of the celebrated Arab chief, which had been given by the Duke d'Aumale to her husband.

MODERN CHIVALRY.

THE modern is to the olden spirit of chivalry what the commercial and civic knights of the day are to the knights of the round table or the paladins of Charlemagne. Sacrifice is not the virtue of our times, but least of all sacrifice, to "the great passion," or to a glorious love of perilous adven

ture.

A young lady of Hanover fills a post as teacher in the family of the Hospodar of Wallachia; some domestic squabble arises; and the young lady's royal master causes her to be whipped. The circumstances do not come out clearly-the young lady may have been impertinent; but two facts are stated explicitly-she was a lady, and she was flogged. Bad enough in the poor Wallachians; but of course the representatives of civilized Europe flew to her rescue? Not at all; with difficulty a sort of irregular protection was obtained for the girl from the British consul, and she was at last to be sent away with a trifling money compensation. The story would have made the blood boil in the veins of any man in the olden time; but that sensation in such affairs is obsolete now.

The chief who has for sixteen years or more, single-handed, withstood the power of France in Africa, has at last yielded to the king's son; who promised an honorable exile to the hero, unvanquished by any one man, and exhausted only by the overwhelming power of the great nation, made to bear upon him for years. Is he not received in France with distinction, and somewhat as the French King John was by his English conqueror and that conqueror's father; and does not the monarch hasten to fulfil his son's promise? No; the fallen chief is lodged in a lazaretto; and as to the promise made by the royal prince, the king and his council-" deliberate!"

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&c. &c.

My dear General-Some days have elapsed, indeed a fortnight has, since I received your note, with a copy of your observations on the possible results of a war with France under our present system of military preparation.

"You are aware that I have for years been sensible of the alteration produced in maritime warfare and operations by the application of steam to the propelling of ships at sea.

"The discovery immediately exposed all parts of the coasts of these islands, which a vessel could approach at all, to be approached, at all times of tide and in all seasons, by vessels so propelled, from all quarters. We are in fact assailable, and at least liable to insult, and to have contributions levied upon us, on all parts of our coasts; that is, the coasts of these including the Channel Islands, which to this time from the period of the Norman conquest have never been successfully invaded.

"I have in vain endeavored to awaken the attention of different administrations to this state of things, as well known to our neighbors (rivals in power, at least former adversaries and enemies) as it is to ourselves.

"I hope that your paper may be attended with more success than my representations have been.

"I have above, in few words, represented our danger. We have no defence, or hope of defence, excepting in our fleet.

"We hear a great deal of the spirit of the people of England; for which no man entertains higher respect than I do. But, unorganized, undisciplined, without systematic subordination established and well understood, this spirit, opposed to the fire of musketry and cannon, and to sabres and bayonets of disciplined troops, would only expose those animated by such spirit to confusion and destruction. Let any man only make the attempt to turn to some use this spirit in a case of partial local disturbance; the want of previous systematic organization and subordination will prevent him even from communicating with more than his own menial servants and dependants, and while mobs are in movement through the country the most powerful will find that he can scarcely move from his own door.

It is discovered that the coasts of England are exposed to inroad; that a disgrace unknown for eight centuries—the hostile camp of a foreigner near London-is not impossible; of course all England rushes to arms, without a word of grumbling; and government hurries to satisfy the demand of the people that the country should be "It is perfectly true, that as we stand at presprepared? Quite the reverse; the government can ent, with our naval arsenals and dockyards not scarcely be got to move; shrewd people ask, half garrisoned, 5,000 men of all arms could not "How much money will it cost?" and the honor be put under arms, if required, for any service of the country is at last to have a sufficient guard whatever, without leaving standing without relief only because it is proved that the want of it might all employed on any duty, not excepting even the figure ill in the profit and loss account.-Specta-guards over the palaces and the person of the sovtor, 8 Jan. ereign.

"I calculate that a declaration of war should | the North Foreland and Selsey Bill) there are not probably find our home garrisons of the strength less than seven small harbors or mouths of rivers, as follows; particularly considering that one of the each without defence, of which an enemy, having most common accusations against this country is, landed his infantry on the coast, might take posthat the practice has been to commence reprisals session, and therein land his cavalry and artillery of at sea simultaneously with a declaration of war, all calibre, and establish himself and his communithe order for the first of which must have been is- cation with France. sued before the last can have been published. "We ought to be with garrisons as follows at is undoubtedly the coast of Sussex, from the east the moment war is declared

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"The nearest part of the coast to the metropolis

and west side of Beachy Head and to Selsey Bill. There are not less than twelve great roads leading from Brighton upon London; and the French army must be much altered indeed since the time at which I was better acquainted with it, if there are not now belonging to it forty chefs d'état majorgeneral capable of sitting down and ordering the march to the coast of 40,000 men, their embarkation, with their horses and artillery, at the several French ports on the coast; their disembarkation at named points on the English coast, that of the artillery and cavalry in named ports or mouths of rivers, and the assembly at named points of the several columns; and the march of each of these from stage to stage to London.

"Let any man examine our maps and roadbooks, consider of the matter, and judge for himself. "I know of no mode of resistance, much less of protection from this danger, excepting by an army in the field capable of meeting and contending with its formidable enemy, aided by all the means of fortification which experience in war and science can suggest.

I con

"The whole force employed at home in Great Britain and Ireland would not afford a sufficient number of men for the mere defence and occupation, on the breaking out of war, of the works constructed for the defence of the dockyards and naval arsenals, without leaving a single man disposable. "The measure upon which I have earnestly entreated different adminstrations to decide-which is constitutional, and has been invariably adopted "I shall be deemed foolhardy in engaging for in time of peace for the last eighty years-is to the defence of the empire with an army composed raise, embody, organize, and discipline the militia, of such a force of militia. I may be so. of the same numbers for each of the three king-fess it, I should infinitely prefer, and should feel doms united as during the late war. This would more confidence in, an army of regular troops. give a mass of organized force amounting to about But I know that I shall not have these. I may 150,000 men; which we might immediately set to have the others; and if an addition is made to the work to discipline. This alone would enable us existing regular army allotted for home defence of to establish the strength of our army. This, with a force which will cost 400,000l. a year, there an augmentation of the force of the regular army, would be a sufficient disciplined force in the field which would not cost 400,000l., would put the to enable him who should command to defend the country on its legs in respect to personal force; country. and I would engage for its defence, old as I am.

"But as we stand now, and if it be true that the exertions of the fleet alone are not sufficient to provide for our defence, we are not safe for a week after the declaration of war.

"I am accustomed to the consideration of these questions; and have examined and reconnoitred, over and over again, the whole coast from the North Foreland, by Dover, Folkstone, Beachy Head, Brighton, Arundel, to Selsey Bill, near Portsmouth; and I say that, excepting immediately under the fire of Dover Castle, there is not a spot on the coast on which infantry might not be thrown on shore, at any time of tide, with any wind, and in any weather, and from which such body of infantry, so thrown on shore, would not find within the distance of five miles a road into the interior of the country through the cliffs, practicable for the march of a body of troops.

"That in that space of coast (that is, between

"This is my view of our danger and our resources. I was aware that our magazines and arsenals were very inadequately supplied with ordnance and carriages, arms, stores of all denominations, and ammunition.

"The deficiency has been occasioned in part by the sale of arms, and of various descriptions of ordnance stores, since the termination of the late war, in order to diminish the demand of supply to carry on the peace service of the ordnance; in part by the conflagration of the arsenal which occurred in the Tower some years ago; and by the difficulty under which all governments in this country labor in prevailing upon parliament, in time of peace, to take into consideration measures necessary for the safety of the country in time of war.

"The state of the ordnance, arms, ammunition, &c., in magazines, is in part the question of expense, and perhaps in some degree one of time.

"I would recommend to have an alphabetical

list of the stores examined by a committee, and them to postpone those measures absolutely necesmade out in form, as upon the enclosed half-sheet of paper, by ascertaining what there was in 1804, and what there is in store now, of each article, and the difference between the two accounts.

"I have taken the year 1804 as the standard, as that was the year in which the invasion was threatened. It was previous to the employment of the armies in the Peninsula or North America; in short, as nearly as possible similar to the political circumstances in which we stand at this moment, excepting that we are now at peace with France-we were then at war.

"A fourth column would be the estimate of the expense of bringing the magazines to the state in which they were in 1804.

"With this information before him, the mastergeneral could give the government accurate information of the wants of ordnance, arms, ammunition, and stores in the magazines of the country.

"You will see from what I have written, that I have contemplated the danger to which you have referred. I have done so for years. I have drawn to it the attention of different administrations at different times.

"You will observe, likewise, that I have considered of the measures of prospective security, and of the mode and cost of the attainment.

*

"I have done more. I have looked at and considered these localities in great detail, and have made up my mind upon the details of their defence.

"These are questions to which my mind has not been unaccustomed. I have considered and provided for the defence, the successful defence, of the frontiers of many countries.

"You are the confidential head of the principal defensive part of the country. I will, if you and the master-general of the ordnance choose, converse or otherwise communicate confidently [confidentially?] with you upon all the details of this subject; will inform you of all that I know, have seen, and think upon it, and what my notions are of the details of the defensive system to be adopted and eventually carried into execution.

"I quite concur in all your views of the danger of our position, and of the magnitude of the stake at issue. I am especially sensible of the certainty of failure if we do not, at an early moment, attend to the measures necessary to be taken for our detence, and of the disgrace-the indelible disgrace -of such failure.

sary for mere defence and safety under existing circumstances; forgetting altogether the common practice of successful armies, in modern times, imposing upon the conquered enormous pecuniary contributions, as well as other valuable and ornamental property.

"Look at the course pursued by France in Italy and Russia! at Vienna repeatedly, at Berlin, at Moscow-the contributions levied, besides the subsistence, maintenance, clothing, and equipment of the army which made the conquest! Look at the conduct of the allied army which invaded France and had possession of Paris in 1815! Look at the account of the pecuniary sacrifices made upon that occasion, under their different heads of contributions, payments for subsistence, and maintenance of the invading armies, including clothing and other equipments, payments of old repudiated state debts, payments of debts due to individuals in war in the different countries of Europe, repayment for contributions levied, and movable and immovable property sold in the course of the revolutionary war.

"But such an account cannot be made out against this country. No! but I believe that the means of some demands would not be wanting. Are there no claims for a fleet at Toulon in 1793? None for debts left unpaid by British subjects in France, who escaped from confinement under cover of the invasion in 1814 by the allied armies? Can any man pretend to limit the amount of the demands on account of the contributions de guerre ?

"Then look at the conditions of the treaties of Paris-1814, 1815.

"France having been in possession of nearly every capital in Europe, and having levied contributions in each, and having had in its possession or under its influence the whole of Italy, Germany, and Poland, is reduced to its territorial limits as they stood in 1792.

"Do we suppose that we should be allowed to keep could we advance a pretension to keepmore than the islands composing the United Kingdom; ceding disgracefully the Channel Islands, on which an invader had never established himself since the period of the Norman Conquest?

"I am bordering upon seventy-seven years of age, passed in honor. I hope that the Almighty may protect me from being the witness of the tragedy which I cannot persuade my contemporaries to take measures to avert.

"Believe me ever yours sincerely,

"WELLINGTON."

"Putting out of view all the other unfortunate consequences, such as the loss of the political and social position of this country among the nations The Globe publishes a short tract entitled of Europe, of all its allies, in concert with and in “Thoughts on National Defence," which is signed aid of whom it has in our own times contended" W. B.," dated on the 3d instant, and is said to successfully in arms for its own honor and safety have been written by Admiral Bowles, a lord of and the independence and freedom of the world.

"When did any man hear of allies of a country unable to defend itself?

"Views of economy of some, and I admit that the high views of national finance of others, induce

the admiralty under the late administration. It is recommended to the Globe as something calculated to allay alarm; which it is; but it also corroborates the opinion that it was full time to take precautions. The consideration of national defence,

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