"It is Judah's princely rank and bearing in his sovereignty over his brethren, and in his victorious conflict with his foes, which has won the rest and peace which he enjoys. Just in that measure, therefore, in which the time of Joshua exhibits the predicted repose, must the time before Joshua verify Judah's princely character. Had the rest under Joshua been the true, absolute rest, the pre-eminence of Judah must have revealed itself before that time in its most perfect form. But if, as we have seen, Jacob's prophecy of a future rest continues still prophetic, even after its first preliminary and imperfect exhibition under Joshua, the prophecy of Judah's distinction can in the time before Joshua have met with only a preliminary and partial fulfilment (his precedence in the order of march through the desert). It must after this still continue prophetic, and point to a sovereignty of Judah, which should be constantly more and more unfolding itself, until its highest manifestation should rise as far above its earliest, as the absolute rest under Christ surpasses the relative under Joshua.

"This prophecy of the rest into which Judah, as the prince, representative, and champion of his brethren, should enter with them, relates to the time of the end. Subjectively to Jacob, the time of Joshua was the end; for then all the wants and needs of the patriarchal period which had pressed themselves on Jacob's consciousness, and all the requisites which Jacob knew as conditions of the coming salvation, were supplied. But there were still other wants and needs, still other requisites and conditions of the coming salvation of which Jacob yet knew nothing, and which, in the time of Joshua, were not yet supplied. Objectively, therefore, this is not yet the end; and Jacob's prophecy, as the product, not of his inward state alone, but of the illuminating Spirit of God, points every future observer to a higher form of Judah's sovereignty than the precedence of that tribe in the desert, and to a higher rest than that which the possession of the promised land brought with it."

The genuineness of this prediction of Jacob has been most violently contested, but in a manner which plainly shows that the secret of the opposition made to it lies in the palpable proof of inspiration which it affords. The discord which prevails in the ranks of its opposers with respect to the real date of its composition, affords no very favourable presumption in the outset as to the certainty of those criteria on which they rely. Heinrichs confidently refers it to the time of David, Tuch to that of Samuel, and Ewald with as much positiveness as either to that of Samson. Fortunately we are able to furnish as thorough and conclusive a demonstration of genuineness in this instance, as we can in the case of any disputed passage

of the Bible whatever. Kurtz sums up the argument under four heads, which, for convenience, we arrange in a different order.

1. The blessing is as a whole too indefinite, deals too much in general outlines and too little in individual forms, to be a vaticinium post eventum. It has no such merely external, accidental congruence with the events of any period, as a feigned prediction, put into the mouth of Jacob by one living in that period, would necessarily have. Many of the blessings were suggested by the names of Jacob's sons, or by some incident in their history, or some peculiarity in their temper, which the patriarch had marked; and they are in some cases, at least, (a remark made by Hengstenberg, which may be worthy of attention) rather true of them as branches of the chosen people, than characteristic of them as individual tribes.

2. The contents of the prophecy and its form agree entirely with the views and expectations of Jacob, and have nothing in them that would be at all surprising as coming from him on the supposition that he were really endowed with prophetic foresight. The proof of this has been sufficiently exhibited already.

3. The blessing contains positive data, which compel us to refer its composition to the ante-Mosaic period. The dispersion of Levi here appears as a judgment upon him for his misconduct. But this was accomplished after the unholy zeal of the parent had been succeeded by the pious zeal of his descendants (Exod. xxxii. 27–29), and the curse had in consequence been converted into a blessing, by his being honoured to be the priestly tribe, and receiving in consequence as his inheritance cities selected from all parts of the land. But nothing is here said of the dignity of Levi as invested with the priesthood, or as being in any wise distinguished above his brethren. There is only the language of rebuke and malediction. It is impossible, as even critics of the most destructive school have been compelled to acknowledge, that language, such as we find here, could have been used after the priestly succession was fixed in the line of Levi. Tuch indeed endeavours to escape this conclusion, by referring its composition to the period when the misconduct of the sons of Eli had brought the priesthood into disrepute (1 Sam. ii. 17), and when Levites wandered through the land homeless, and ready to enter the service of any who would give them wages.-(Judg. xvii. 7-12.) But we cannot say much in praise of that candour which thus extends without evidence the misconduct of a single vagabond Levite, or of Eli's two profligate sons, to the whole tribe to which they belonged. Nor, however low the sacerdotal tribe may have sunk in character or influence, would any writer of a truly

theocratic spirit, as the author of this prophecy manifestly was, have represented that in such unqualified terms as a curse, which was the direct consequence of their investiture with the priesthood. And then the very instances referred to show the opposite of that for which they are adduced, and how high an estimate was set upon a connection with the priestly tribe, even in the case of one least worthy of such consideration.-(Judg. xvii. 13.) Now, if this passage could not have been written after the priesthood was established in the tribe of Levi, and if, according to Tuch's own admission, this is as certain as any thing can be in the early history of Israel that the priesthood was conferred upon Levi by Moses, the ante-Mosaic origin of this prophecy is indisputable. And if that be granted, it has now been carried back so near the time of its reputed origin, that no one would longer hesitate to admit its having been really uttered by Jacob.

4. There is no time after the fulfilment under Joshua when all these various blessings could have had their origin. If, with Tuch, on the ground of what is said of Levi, we refer its composition to the time of Samuel, or with Ewald, give the preference to the blessing of Dan, and fix it in the time of Samson, the blessing of Judah will stand plumply in the way. For how does the superior honour put upon this tribe accord with its miserable faint-heartedness in the time of Samson (Judg. xv. 9, &c.), or with the insignificance of that tribe in the time of Samuel, which was such that it is but once or twice mentioned during the whole course of his ministry until the rise of David, and then not in a way calculated to make an impression of its prominence over other tribes? And besides, how do the other parts of the prophecy, which depict in such glowing colours the happy lot of the various tribes, agree with their wretched disorganised condition, their frequent apostasies, and the frequent oppressions to which they were subject in the times of the later Judges,-a period which our opponents delight in representing as one of even greater disorder than it really was?

Or if, to escape these difficulties, the composition of this prophecy be referred, with Heinrichs, to a still later date, the reign of David or Solomon, Charybdis will be cleared, but it is only to fall into Scylla. The blessing of Judah is provided for, but what is said of Levi presents a fatal obstacle. For from that time forward the sacerdotal tribe enjoyed the highest consideration; and the last, faintest possibility has vanished of bringing the language of this malediction into any thing like harmony with the period assigned for its origin.

Now, if the tone of the whole prophecy, and particularly the blessing pronounced upon Judah, forbid our assigning it to the

period of the Judges, and on the other hand the utterance respecting Levi excludes it from the time of David and Solomon, and this is the utmost limit to which it can by any possibility be carried, we are forced back again by this route also to our previous conclusion of its ante- Mosaic origin, or which is equivalent, its genuineness as a production of Jacob,--a conclusion which there is nothing to oppose, except the rationalistic dictum "there can be no real prophecy."

ART. VI.-1. Martin Luther's geistliche Lieder, mit den in seinen Lebzeiten gebräuchlichen Singweisen. Herausgegeben von PHILIP WACKERNAGEL. Stuttgart: 1848, 8vo, pp. 194. 2. Das Deutsche Kirchenlied, von Martin Luther bis auf Nicolaus Herman und Ambrosius Blaurer. Von Dr K. C. J. WACKERNAGEL. Stuttgart: 1841, 4to, pp. 895.

3. Paulus Gerhardts geistliche Lieder, getreu nach der bei seinen Lebzeiten erschienenen Ausgabe wiederabgedruckt. Stuttgart: 1843, pp. 216.

4. Geistliche Gedichte des Grafen v. Zinzerdorf, gesammelt und gesichtet von ALBERT KNAPP. Stuttgart u. Tübingen: 1845, royal 8vo, pp. 368.

5. Evangelischer Liederschatz für Kirche und Haus. Von M. ALBERT KNAPP. Stuttgart and Tübingen: 1837, 2 vols. 8vo, pp. 682, 912.

6. Stimmen aus dem Reiche Gottes. Eine auserlesene Sammlung alter und neuer evangelischer Kernlieder, mit beigefügten, vierstimmig gesetzten, Choralmelodien. Von KOCHER und KNAPP. Stuttgart: 1846, 12mo, pp. 746.

In this formidable series of titles we have included none of the common church collections: these are in number legionary. Three of the books are edited by Dr Wackernagel, who is noted for his learning in all that relates to the archæology of the German language. The first contains all the extant hymns of the sixteenth century; republished with scrupulous collation of all accessible texts, and with an apparatus of critical notes, which may well surprise those who know how the corresponding department of English literature has been allowed to languish; so that we have no single repository of our early sacred poets. The second work is venerable indeed; giving us not only the incorrupt text of all Luther's hymns, but the very airs and harmonies which accompanied them during the Reformer's lifetime. The edition of Gerhardt's hymns is complete and critical. Mr Knapp's collection of Count Zinzendorf's

poetical works, including his numerous improvisations, is as full as it is elegant, and is followed by a life of the author. To the same lover of sacred song, we are indebted for the fifth in our list, the "Evangelical Hymn Treasury," a work widely known in America, containing three thousand five hundred and ninety-two hymns. The same editor has part likewise in the last book named above, which has both text and music, arranged in four parts for the organ and piano-forte; the number of hymns is six hundred and ninety-five. To these works we acknowledge our obligation for a large part of what we shall now offer on the fruitful subject of German hymns. It is a topic too nearly connected with the growth of piety in the soul and its spread among mankind, to need a word of apology. These products of continental piety, in its brightest hours and heavenliest moods, are infinitely remote from the latitudinary and neological errors which are justly dreaded from German writings. Of this we need offer no surer earnest, than by beginning our sketch of German Hymnology with the great Saxon reformer.

There is scarcely any thing more familiar to the readers of Luther's life than his love of music. He was himself a performer on more than one instrument, and wont to break forth among his friends in bursts of passionate psalmody. The passages in his works and correspondence which express the high value which he set on spiritual song, as a means of promoting knowledge, furthering grace, and driving away the evil one, are too numerous to be quoted at length; but some of them are too important and characteristic to be wholly omitted.

LUTHER led the way in providing Christian hymns for the evangelical world. The number of his metrical compositions, as now extant, is thirty-seven; of which some have acquired great celebrity. Wherever his name is known, men are acquainted with his trumpet-like version of the forty-sixth psalm, Ein' feste Burg ist unser Gott. Besides this he versified the 12th, 14th, 67th, 124th, 128th, and 130th psalms; the Decalogue, Lord's Prayer, Creed, and Te Deum; also Luke ii. 30-32, Isaiah vi. 1-8, Rev. xii. 1-6, and the church hymns, Veni Redemptor gentium, A solis ortus cardine, Veni Creator Spiritus, Veni sancte Spiritus, Media vita, the Sanctus, Da pacem, and 0 lux beata Trinitas. This may rebuke the flippant and ignorant strictures of a Puseyite writer on Hymnology, who has lately brought it as a charge against Protestant churches, that they have retained but one of the old ecclesiastical metres in their services. It would be easy to show that not only Luther, but every poet of the reformation period, drew largely from this very source. Indeed, if there was an