The south transept is in similar style to the nave and chancel; but the northern transept has pointed arches springing from slender shafts attached to the wall, and from brackets of a Roman form which are adorned with arabesques. The font is probably coeval with the Church, and stands upon one stout central column, and eight surrounding slender shafts.

The ruined abbey of Fontenelle is close to the parish church just described. It has been despoiled long since for the erection of a palace of the Archbishops of Rouen, which was partially destroyed at the Revolution, and is now a cotton manufactory. Much of its splendour yet remains, and its history has been published by M. Langlois of Rouen, whose talents as a draughtsman are equal to his learning and discrimination as an antiquary. PLANTAGENET.

QUESTIONES VENUSINE.

No. V.

IN the Review department of the Gentleman's Magazine for June, pp. 637-8, the late edition of Professor Anthon's Horace from Doering's text printed in this country, has afforded to the Reviewer, J. M., opportunity to start his own idea for the restoration of what he terms a corrupt passage in Horace; and he calls on the author of Horatius Restitutus to pronounce his judgment on the passage so restored.

The old reading stood thus, 1 E.

xvi. 39, 40.

Falsus honor juvat, et mendax infamia terret, Quem nisi mendosum et mendacem? As early as in the year 1578, Cruquius, on the authority of MSS. scrupled not to substitute medicandum in the text instead of mendacem, supplying at the same time a clear and sufficient exposition of the advantage of sense afforded by the new reading over the old.

In 1701, our own Baxter was the first editor who followed Cruquius in adopting medicandum. The following is a very good sample of his better style of criticism.

reducere. Medicandum, h. e. non sanum. Vet. Schol. Egentem scilicet Helleboro."

In 1711, Dr. Bentley, that "first critic whom a scholar would wish to consult in adjusting the text of Horace,' came out with his memorable edition; and if I were set to justify the splendid character here quoted of him from Dr Parr, I don't know that a more decisive proof could by specimen be given of his critical superiority than in his note on this very passage. His masterly talent is devoted to the defence against Torrentius and the complete illustration of the reading medicandum. The demonstration is to my mind as solid as it is luminous.

First of all then, let J. M. be advised to bestow another perusal on that powerful note, and with increased attention too; before he again speaks of the passage in the reading approved by Cruquius, Baxter, Bentley, Cuningham, and Gesner, as "most corrupt," and one "that has defied the learning and ingenuity of all the commentators."

37, ventosa plebis, fickle and changeTo the metaphorical sense, 1 E. xix. able as if it shifted with every wind, Tully may seem to have preluded in the well known passage Pro Murenâ, (Quod enim fretum...... tot motus, tantas, tam varias habere putatis agitationes fluctuum, quantas perturba

*C the first letter of Carmina.

Now I assert that none of these acceptations will suit that meaning of ventosus, combined with mendax in Seneca, for which J. M. ex emendatione would into the text of Horace introduce it; inasmuch as the use of ventosus so combined is to mark the specific character of the braggard alone, comprehending no other whatsoever. Ventosus as a personal attribute in the sense of loud, noisy, boastful, is elsewhere unknown to Horace; and in the passage before us, it is a general, not a specific character, that is demanded by the context.

however, many who regard the Portraits on Medals as the least instructive, and, disdaining the effigy of the Emperor, turn to the reverse, which records his victories, his vanity, or his munificence.

Upon these designs we have many learned commentaries, whilst the ob verses have been frequently neglected by numismatic writers, although collections of portraits have been highly valued in all civilized countries, even by those who were not attached to antiquarian studies.

Some early authors give indifferent representations of the heads on the coins of those Emperors of whom they furnish biographical notices, but scarcely ever make any remarks on the features exhibited. It will, however, be found that the countenance of the despot, as delineated on his medals, generally accords with the descriptions furnished by the ancient historians. Visconti, in his "Iconographie Romaine," (a work which, unfortunately for the antiquary, he did not live to complete,) has devoted some chapters to the portraits found on consular coins; but his attributions appear to me to be sometimes fanciful; for instance, he tells us that the head on the remarkable coins of the Gens Memmia, recording the celebration of the first Cerialia, is that of Romulus; but there does not appear to exist any sufficient authority for such an hypothesis. The same writer attributes to the founder of Rome the head on a coin or rather medalet, of probably the time of the Antonines. It bears a bearded head crowned with waterweeds, and is doubtless intended for that of a river god-perhaps for the Tiber. On the coins of Roman families, we have, however, several portraits of undoubted authenticity, although some of them are so rude as to leave suspicion as to their being very accurate likenesses. Of these the head of Tatius Sabinus and the Consul Postumius may be cited as examples; but the heads of Ancus and of Numa may be considered accurate portraits of the Roman monarchs. The Denarii of Pompey bear a portrait which agrees with the description of Plutarch; though on some of them the features are very clumsily. and indeed grotesquely executed these may have been the perf

"

Let the reader therefore judge, from the sentence of Seneca here more fully quoted, how little relevant the quotation of J. M. can be considered to any purpose of illustrating Horace. Fugere itaque debebit [iracundus] omnes, quos irritaturos iracundiam sciet. Qui sunt, inquis, isti? Multi ex variis causis idem facturi; offendet te superbus contemptu, dives contumeliâ, petulans injuriâ, lividus malignitate, pugnax contentione, ventosus et mendax vanitate. Non feres a suspicioso timeri, a pertinace vinci, a delicato fastidiri," &c. &c. Senecæ de Irâ, l. iii. c. viii. ex ed. J. Fr. Gronovii. Elzevir, 1649, V. i. pp. 65, 66. H. R. June 12.

16th June.

Mr. URBAN,

IT has been observed by a favourite English author, that the first and most obvious use of Ancient Medals, is the showing us the Portraits of individuals who are conspicuous in history; and that the principal charm in numismatic studies, consists in the contemplation of the features of those who are celebrated for their virtues or notorious for their vices. There are, * Addison.

of unskilful moneyers in the Spanish colonies. On those of better fabric the portrait is good, the hair rises on the forehead as described by the historian, who says it curled naturally, and there is in the countenance an expression which accords with our received notions of this great man.

Of the portrait of Lepidus, which is found on his denarii, little can be said, except that it is badly executed, but still highly characteristic, being very inexpressive and unintelligent. His treatment by Cæsar's successor, and his tamely submitting to such treatment, excites our surprise, after reading that he formed one of the Triumvirate with Augustus and Antony; but, perhaps, the subtle policy of the former discovered the advantage of having in his interest one who was so readily moulded to his will.

nable vanity.

The account which Suetonius gives of Julius Cæsar is verified by his medals, which represent him without beard, bald, with an arched neck, and with a wreath of laurel round his head; a portrait which it would be impossible to confound with any other. The personal beauty of Cæsar has been extolled by the ancient historians. Among others, Vellius Paterculus describes him as " formâ omnium civium excellentissimus ; " but there is nothing in the portraits of the Dictator which have come down to us, to warrant such extravagant praises.

The next portrait is that of Augustus, the boyish countenance of Octavius being destitute of expression, and unworthy of notice as a likeness. The large brass coins of this Emperor, with the head of Julius Cæsar on the reverse, bear a portrait answering in every respect to the description of Suetonius, who tells us that Augustus was very careless with his hair, frequently permitting several persons to cut it at the same time, while he read or wrote; and sometimes clipped, at others, shaved his beard. The portrait on the coin in question has ragged hair, and an untrimmed beard. But the heads on his denarii differ materially from those just described. We learn from the same author, that Augustus piqued himself upon his fancied likeness to Apollo; and it would appear from these coins, that flattery took advantage of this abomi.

On the denarii he is always represented without beard, and with a cast of countenance more resembling that of an ideal portrait than of a living personage.

We find what may be considered authentic portraits on the well-executed coins of Tiberius. Suetonius says, that the hair of this tyrant grew down his neck-" Capillo pone occipitium submissiore," and on his coins this is particularly observable; indeed, the historian speaks of it as a peculiarity in the Cæsar family.

Many coins of Caligula bear very noble portraits, utterly at variance with the account of Suetonius, who says that his countenance was unprepossessing, and that he endeavoured to render it frightful. Here flattery was again upon the alert; but numerous coins of this Emperor in middle brass bear a portrait of a very different description: the nose is turned up, and there is an expression in the features at once forbidding and malignant.

There is little variation in the heads on the coins of Claudius. The contemplation of the portrait of this Emperor by the physiognomist or phrenologist, would throw either into raptures. The expression of the face is vacant and unintellectual; and the head would be said by phrenologists to want energy. Two busts of Claudius in the Musée Royal at Paris are remarkable for the same want of intellectual expression.

Many of the coins of Nero, struck when he was Cæsar, have a youthful head, in which may be traced a strong likeness to his predecessor. It would be difficult to ascertain if this was in consequence of the prince's then personal resemblance to Claudius, or whether the artists employed in the Roman mint were desirous of paying him a compliment by giving him the features of the Emperor. Small brass coins of Nero, struck in some of the Greek cities, bear very well executed portraits of him when Casar; and in these may be traced the same resemblance to Claudius. It is, however, on the coins of Nero struck during bis reign, that we find a portrait answer ing to the description of that given by Suetonius. This author maye that Nero at one time followed the effemi

'nate fashion of having his hair cut in rings—“Comam semper in gradus formatum." This style of hair-dressing is, however, not observable on his Latin coins; but on those of colonial fabric struck at Corinth before his accession to the empire, we have a portrait with the hair cut in that

manner.

The countenance of Galba is minutely described by the biographer of the Cæsars, who observes that his forehead was bald and that his nose was hooked, traits most distinctly marked in the portraits on his money. A bust of this Emperor, preserved in the Musée Royal, may be recognized by its resemblance to that impressed on his coins.

comely. He says the same of Titus, whom, however, he describes as somewhat short of stature and inclined to corpulency, while Domitian, on the contrary, was tall and stately. This discrepancy in the portraits of Domitian may be attributed to the desire of the artists of the period to represent him as like as possible to his brother, a prince whose virtues had endeared him to the people. This was a description of flattery very frequently practised in the Roman mint; but Domitian, we are told, was exceedingly vain of his personal appearance; and it is probable that this depraved Emperor preferred stamping on his coins a portrait of more graceful appearance than that which his subjects had perhaps learned to regard with veneration, on account of its resemblance to one whose amiable qualities appeared to advantage, in an age when the rapine, sensuality, and cruelty of the Roman Emperors had, from their frequency, ceased to excite the disgust and horror of their subjects.

Suetonius remarks, that the countenance and person of Otho did not indicate the resolution with which he performed in the last scene of his struggle for the empire. He was a man of effeminate habits and appearance, says the historian; beardless, and bald; the first he encouraged in his youth, the latter he concealed by wearing a peruke. The portraits on his Latin coins agree with this description, and are of a totally different character to those of the other Cæsars. The peruke, with which he is always represented, appears to have been formed in circles, a mark of effenancy and dandyism in those days.

Vitellius follows; and it would be difficult to find a bust so characteristic as that which his coins bear. The huge face, small head, short neck, and bloated features, are expressive of the sensuality and cruelty which marked the brief reign of the imperial glutton.

Few persons can be unacquainted with the strongly marked countenance of Vespasian, whose features were well calculated for representation in profile. The coarse joke of a jester on his peculiarity of visage is preserved by Suetonius, but will not bear repetition here. His coins testify the general accuracy of the historian.

The portraits on the coins of Titus, and on those of Domitian, when he succeeded to the empire, resemble that of their father; but it is somewhat remarkable, that later coins of Domitian have a bust of much nobler character, with a long and graceful neck. Suetonius says that his person was

"These thynges thus passed," [viz. the appointment of a Privy Council, and other arrangements of affairs of state, by Henry VII. in the 1st year of his reign.] "Albeyt, that apparauntly all thynges semed to be reduced to a good poynte, and set in a sure steye: Kynge Henry beyng made wyse and expert with troubles and myschiefes before past, remembred that yt was wisdome to feare & prouide for the crafty wyles and lurkyng trappes of his secret enemyes, remembryng all me' for the moost parte embrued & exercysed in plantyng of diuision and sowynge dissencion, can not lightely leaue their pestiferous appetite & sedicious occupacion. Wherefore, for the saueguard and preseruation of his owne bodye, he co'stituted & ordeyned a certayn numbre as well of good archers as of diuerse other persons beinge hardy, stronge, and of agilitie, to geue dailye attendaunce on his person, whom he named Yomen of his Garde, whiche president men thought that he learned of the Frenche king when he was in Frau'ce: for men remembre not any Kyng of England before that tyme whiche vsed svch a furnyture of daily souldyours." Hall's Chron. 1542. vol. 2. fo. iii. 1

Hen. VII.

spere to haue three greate horses, to bee attendaunt on his persone, of the which bande the Erle of Essex was Lieuetenant, and Sir John Pechie Capitain; who endured but awhile, the apparell and charges were SO greate; for there were none of theam but thei and their horses were apparelled and trapped in clothe of golde, silver, and goldesmithes worke, and their servaunts richely appareled also."

Thus it appears the enormous expense attending this office, (for which I do not find that they received any remuneration,) caused the dissolution of the band, as originally constituted. They were soon remodelled, however, and though still consisting of nobles and knights of the leading families of the kingdom, they received a pension towards defraying the necessary expenses. I am unable to affix the exact date to this change, but in a contemporary MS. account of the coronation of Edw. VI. I find frequent mention of the "Pensioners" in the processions and other ceremonies, without any remark or explanation, which would argue that the name and office were not very recent.

Under Queen Mary there are frebut I have not met with any partiquent notices of this body collectively, cular account of them.

Under Queen Elizabeth they were in high estimation, and consisted entirely of nobility and gentry of the best families. Indeed, serving the Queen as a Pensioner, was an object of ambition to the young men of the highest distinction. Sir John Holles, of Houghton, co. Notts. Knt. afterwards Earl of Clare, used to say, that while he was a Pensioner of Queen Elizabeth, "he did not know a worse man than himself in the whole band," and he was then in possession of £4,000 per annum.

Under King James I. and his son Charles I. the Gentlemen Pensioners do not seem to have numbered so many men of high rank in their band, as under the virgin Queen, who is well known to have taken the greatest pains to fill all, even the subordinate places in her household, from the flower of the gentry.

They still, however, continued in
E