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generally begin to look backward for some cross in the breed to aceount for the anomaly; while the unaffected simplicity of mana ner, and familiarcondescension to inferiors, that so strikingly in general contradiştinguishes those of good birth- from the upstarts of gentility, are rendered too common to daily observation to be worth more than a simple remark about. In the one, the individual knows from the general feeling of mankind that by the reason of his birth his person will always command respect as long as her respects himself, and therefore such never gives hima moment's uneasiness ; whereas the other, in the constant terror of being considered as still ranking among the vulgar, and fearful of compromising his usurped dignity by the smallest condescension, carries himself with a haughtiness and pride of manner towards his inferiors, that makes him to them equally an object of laughter and aversion. Whenever a country arrives at that degree of wealth, when empty pomp and luxury begin to usurp the place of simple utility, these repulsive aristocratic feelings will begin to predominate, and will progress in proportion to the general liberty existing in the state, if there is no bond to connect them in community of kindly feeling, and bring their conduct under the dreaded review of those moving in inferior 'stations. Aristocratic feeling exist stronger no where than among the better classes of Americans, only they are prudent enough not to make a public display of it, knowing it is their interest to conciliate their inferiors from political power Howing through them. In England, however, where there is no countervailing check of that nature, these feelings are displayed iri full force, and seeing too that there is no bar to the meanest individual in the state arriving at the highest Thonors in it, almost every individual, even to the very humblest in society, deems others humbler still, and appears constantly afraid of being considered low, speaking almost'uniformly with a degree of contempt of those he considers inferior to himself. Whether the classumption of superiority originates in a pride of birth, wealth, talent, of virtue, still the feeling is that of aristocracy and I would call the master-sweep who refuses to sit at table with his journeyman just as great an aristocrat in principle, as the nobleman who dentes that homely familiarity to his lacquey. In every country, in facts and under every system of government, the rich will generdily, endeavor to overreach and Jord it over the poot, if there is no power in the state superior to both to hold the balance of justice between them, and prevent the strong from oppressing the well In the most despotic countries we generally find the lower classe less riseverely worked and better contented than we find in coun tries boasting of free constitutions, because all despots feary and consequently propitiate those who having nothing to Josefare era

reckless of the consequences of their attempts ; in the same way as we find Buonaparte to have invariably demeaned himself, affably and kindly to the common soldiers, while over the officers, he swaggered in a manner progressively despotic in proportion to the highness of their rank.. . ... i i , 1 ,54 id

In the republics of Greece and Rome we find the exclamations against the oppressions and exactions of the rich a hundred times more vehement than in any state in modern, times; and their in, justice and even cruelty to each other were often such, that we cannot now look', on without indignation and disgust. · Such things will always happen whenever an equality of rights is supe posed to exist; for generally every one will be there endeavoring to master his opponent by any means, whether fair or foul, likely to attain his object, knowing that as long as the old adage holds good of " what is every body's business is nobody's,” he may consequently continue his iniquitous deeds unmolested, when the public are not powerfully interested in their issue, and there is no individual of sufficient independent power in the state to controk the actions of every other individual in it. Have we not an apt illustration of what I speak of in the recent murder committed by the son of the governor of Kentucky. Could such a thing poso sibly have taken place in any of our British colonies, where the governor does not depend on the influential families in them for his continuance in office? The necessity of the kingly power is therefore obvious, not only to secure justice to the poor against the oppressions of the rich, seeing it is, the interest of kings to lean towards the former, but also to control and break up the variri qus factions that may start up to endanger the safety of the staten If the mere consciousness of a descent from a virtuous and honor, able dine tends to infuse the same feelings into the breast of mang the farther consciousness of having the family merit acknowleged, and rewarded by the sovereign amid the accorded applause of the nationsat darge, must teud still farther to propagate and strengthen these sentiments ; land when, therefore, the honors of nobility are conferred for deserving actions, the nation at large must reap some benefit from it too in the course of conduct followed by the line of individuals on whom such honors were conferred: Nobility too) is the cheapest, and generally the most agreeable reward that can be conferred on deserving merit, while it is also the most effectual way to silence a rich and seditious demagogue, by withdrawing him from the catena in which his wealth and this mischievous abilities could salone make him dangerous. There is something! too in the contemplation of the actions of great and good mene! which draws a u's with irresistible sympathy towards unoth only those bearing otheir own distinguished name, but to the meanest

telic belonging to them. We view the descendants of a famed and ancient name with the same warm and reverential feelings that the antiquarian views the mouldering rụins of some ancient castle, that recal the historic pageantry of the days of our forefathers, and the long train of noble deeds with which such are associated : bold must that heart be that could pass without emotion the descendants of the Shakspeares, the Miltons, the Pitts, the Nelsons, the Wellingtons, the Byrons, the Scotts, and other great men whose transcendant genius, or patriotic or martial exploits brighten the pages of our past history. Will the names of Wol. lace, Tell, Washington, and Bolivar, either fail to excite a glow of indescribable pleasure in the mind of man, while patriotism holds a place there. But while granting all the honorable qualifications which men of noble or genteel birth with some exceptions poé sess, it must be confessed that those exceptions (and most glaring ones-some certainly are) are but too often taken as samples of the whole, and the general body to whom they belong thus lowered in the estimation of the unthinking part of the community in consequence. The privileged classes considering themselves also as a distinct body from the people, are apt to view their interests as quite distinct too, and consequently feel always inclined to foil measures directed towards the public good, when supposed to trench on their interests or prerogatives. What indeed can be å greater defect in the government of a country, than that a minute fraction of its population should have the irresponsible power of counteracting the happiness of the many; or be more pajust and absurd than this very fraction possessing the privilege of voting by proxy on measures of the utmost importance to the in terests of all, being on a par in point of rationality with the law that would admit of jurymen dispatching also their proxy-votes og circuit trials, without troubling themselves with personal atteadance to hear the evidence or the argumentative discussion au the case to illustrate it. All governments, however, being instituted solely for the public benefit, it is evident that whatever por tion of such governments inherits a power, or manifests a tendency to counteract the public interests, ought, in common equity between man and man, no longer to be permitted to exercise uncontrolled such an injurious influence. "Nobility, it is universally admitted, was instituted as much with a view of setting virtuous and patriotic example before the community, as it was to serve as a bulwark between the king and the people, and a reward for distinguished service. If nobles, therefore, set an example of profligacy instead of virtue to the people at large, they ought to be degraded from their station by a court of honor of their own body, and the nearest heir admitted to the citle; the

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character of the nobility at large as well as the public goodidemanding this 'sacrifice. To make the nobility again amenable to public opinion, and blend their interests with those of the public at large, it would be well if in the creation of noblemen, if their Fight to sit in the Peers was restricted to their own life only, leaveing their descendants to be elected to that body at every parliamentary dissolution by the county council, one or two noblemen being returned by each according to the population of the county. Noblemen sitting as members of that council, and noblemen again being returned to parliament by it, the effect above desired would be in a great measure attained; and as the present race of nobility will be probably pretty near extinct in a few hundred years hence, the elective race will then form the great majority of this privileged body, the king still calling such of these nobility to parliament for life as he may deem fit. To prevent again any individual in the state possessing too much influence from the extent of his landed property, or any portion of the nobility sinking into poverty, and thereby degrading the whole, it would be well also if the landed property of every individual exceeding 20,0001. per annum was made to revert to the second heir after the decease of the individual who at present held, or in future acquired it ; and that no individual could be raised to noble rank with the title descending to his posterity, under an income of less than 6000l. per annum. It is too much that the nation should be saddled with the maintenance of a pensioned pauper nobility, not only degrading to their own order, but injurious to the country at large, by constituting of a necessity the ready panders and tools of the government. If the body of our independent members of the Commons would set their face boldly against the granting of pensions to any of these pauper claimants in future, the body of the nobility would soon take measures to clear their order from the nuisance, when find. ing their dignity "compromised by the Duke of keeping an Øyster shop, or the Marquis of blacking 'boots on Tower Hin. 1878 fort in aliya 34 ) FPBjjad 11:30 ;. . . 1 1

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Education-Defects of as applicable to the higher ranks Views for remedying the same- Education of working-classes-Advantages of and views relative to a more beneficial mode of conducting it. .!.!" . Much of the pride and haughtiness of our aristocracy may be ascribed to their secluded education in receptacles appropriated solely to the children of the rich, and much of their frivolity and ignorance to their course of studies not being generally calculated

either to excite. deep thought or to store the mind with useful information. The youth after being crammed at school with Greek, Latin, and other acquirements more ornamental than use ful, is dispatched to college to fag on for several years more at the same unprofitable drudgery. To be able to speak and ex pound Greek and Latin with the fluency and ability of one of the ancients may be requisite for a clergyman, or an individual in tending to devote his life to the abstruse elucidation of the dead languages, but can never be required for the son of a nobleman or country squire whose pursuits are necessarily, of a very different stamp. The acquaintanceship with the languages that is gained at school is quite sufficient to answer all the purposes of general education, leaving the period passed at college to be devoted solely to objects calculated to be useful in future pursuits through life, and such as expand the mind, elevate the sentiments, and fill our hearts with admiration and love for the great Author of our being, and the meanest of his unrivalled works Studying and attending lectures on such like, as Mathematics, Astronomy, Chemistry, Geology, Mineralogy, Botany, Natural History and Natural Philosophy, Agriculture, Political Economy English Literature and Composition, and the Constitution and Laws of England (when Mr. Peel has accomplished the Augean task of making the latter intelligible), would be quite sufficient to emplos the whole of the student's time during the period of his sojourn, at the University; and being subjects generally as amusing as in structive, would prove more a recreation than a task. From the dry study of Greek and Latin, neither amusement nor instruction to be turned to any use in ordinary, life can possibly be drawn, see ing as complete a knowlege of the history and customs of these nations may be gleaned from translations, as from works in the original tongue; and indeed the forced study of such dry subjects for so long a period, is enough to disgust most young men with study of any kind during the remainder of their lives. Nothing can prove a stronger evidence of the rigorous impartiality deale out to all parties at our English Universities, than the fact of many of the sons of our principal nobility having been dismissed from them for being guilty of some of the foolish extravagancies of youth; while nothing again can more triumphantly prove the rigorous nature of the examinations, than the terror with which such inspire all the students there : fatal consequences frequently resulting from the alarm and anxiety experienced during the period of preparation, and a sudden fight sometimes betokening the unwillingness of others to face the awful inquisitorial tribunali It is impossible for any youth to pass through the ordeal of these tribunals, without being thoroughly grounded in the subjects

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