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dissatisfied with them as he had. of Marrae with Napoleon and his

been with his body guards at Vittoria. He did not speak a word to any one but count Pignatelli of Fuentes, an unprincipled and supple courtier, whom Buonaparte had appointed to insinuate himself into the confidence of the prince of Asturias, for the purpose of watching and betraying him.

When the ceremony of kissing hands was over, their old majesties, being fatigued, retired to their apartments; the prince of Asturias was going to follow them, but the king stopt him, saying, "Prince, have you not yet sufficiently outraged my grey hairs." The prince and the Spaniards who had accompanied him to Bayonne, at these words were thunder-struck, and withdrew in great perturbation. At five o'clock, P. M. their majesties were visited by the emperor Napoleon, who remained with them a long time. The conversation turned on the injuries that had been done to the king and queen, the perils in which they had been involved, the ingratitude of men on whom they had lavished favours; and above all on the ingratitude and rebellion, as they said, of their

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spouse Josephina. May 2d, at four o'clock, P. M. Josephina went to pay a visit to the king and queen," and staid a long time with their majesties.

The newspapers printed at Bayonne, under the immediate inspec tion of Talleyrandi and Buonaparte himself, and which came every day under the eye of the prince of Asturias, took the side of the de throned king and the prince of peace. The Bayonne gazette of the 25th of April, the day of Ferdinand's arrival, contained various statements in contradiction of the reports tha thad been spread of the prince's having immense treasures in foreign funds, extenuated the instances of his mal-administration, adverted to many benefits that resulted from his ministry; and above all, entered into elaborate arguments to shew that the abdication of Charles IV. was not voluntary but compulsory. In this manner Buonaparte endeavoured to prepare the mind of Ferdinand and his party, for the catastrophe that awaited him. At the same time it was the common talk at the court of Bayoune, and re-echoed from thence by the numerous emissaries of Buonaparte, in every province in Spain, that a strong hand alone could save the monarchy.

CHAP.

CHAP. VIII.

Message from Buonaparte to Ferdinand VII. requiring him and all his Family to renounce the Crown of Spain and the Indies.-Conference between Cevallos, the Minister of Ferdinand, and Champagny, Buonaparte's Minister for foreign Affairs.-Interrupted by Buonaparte. Ferdinand made sensible that he was in a state of Arrest.-Charles announces to Ferdinand his Determination to renounce all his Rights and those of his Family to the Crown of Spain-Conditional Renunciation of Ferdinand in favour of his Father.-Correspondence between Charles and Ferdinand on this Subject.-The Queen of Spain bastardizing her own legitimate Son, and proclaiming her own In-. famy. Absolute Renunciation by Ferdinand, of all his Rights to the Crown of Spain.-Action and Reaction of Transactions at Bayonne and at Madrid-The public Mind in a state of Agitation.-Insurrection and dreadful Massacre at Madrid -The Grand Duke of Berg appointed Governor General of all Spain, and President of the Supreme Junta.-Proclamation to his Army.-Circular Letter from the General Inquisition to all the Courts of Inquisition in Spain.Decree for Assembling the Notables of Spain.-Deputies from these to a National Junta at Bayonne.-Excuse of the Bishop of Orense for not attending, in Quality of a Deputy from the Notables, this Assembly.-The Junta at Bayonne take the Oath of Allegiance, prescribed by Buonaparte.-The Royal Family of Spain carried into the Interior of France.- Renunciation of the Spanish Crown-Journey of King Joseph to Madrid.-POLITICAL-MORALITY. Buonaparte asserts his Right to the Crown of Spain, on the Score of both Policy and Justice.—Indignation of the Spaniards, and Defiance of the Tyrant.

THE

HE prince of Asturias, as he was still styled by the French, or Ferdinand, VH. according to the general voice of the Spanish nation, had no sooner returned from dining at the castle of Marrac to his residence, than general Savary came to inform him, that the emperor of the French and king of Italy, had irrevocably determined, that the Bourbon family should no longer reign in Spain; that it should be succeeded by his; and, therefore,

that his Imperial majesty required Ferdinand, in his own name, and that of all his family, to renounce the crown of Spain and the Indies in favour of the dynasty of Buonaparte. That such a proposition should be made, and that the bearer of such a proposition should be the identical Savary, who, until that moment had given such solemn and repeated assurances to the Spanish prince, of the honourable and friendly sentiments of Buonaparte [L4]

towards

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towards him, struck the new king and the Spanish: chiefs, who had ac companied him, with a degree of surprize and consternation not to be described, and opened their eyes to the horrors of their situation.

Buonaparte, having now thrown off the mask, proceeded without delay to carry his project into effect. On the following day he summoned to his palace Cevallos, who, as already observed, had been first secretary of state to king Charles, and now occupied the same station with Ferdinand, and was much in his confidence. In the palace Ce vallos was received by M. de Champagny, Buonaparte's minister for foreign affairs. Cevallos be gan the conference with complaints of the perfidious artifices practised on his royal master to inveigle him into France, and added that he had been instructed to declare, in the most formal manner, that he neither would nor could renounce his right to the crown of Spain, in favour of any individual or family whatever to the prejudice either of himself, or of the other branches of his house; and that no person could be called to the throne, but by the voice of the nation itself, in virtue of the national right it possessed to select a new family in the event of the extinction of the family then on the throne.

The French minister, in return, insisted on the necessity of the required renunciation, chiefly on the ground that the abdication of king Charles had not been spontaneous. Cevallos protested against the opinion, that Buonaparte had any right to interfere in the internal arrangements of Spain, and cited the ex

ample of the French government it self, which in the beginning of the revolution, had positively rejected as inadmissible, the request tendered by the king of Spain in favour of his unfortunate, cousin, Lewis XVI. Having stated various circumstances in proof that the late king, in his abdication, had acted entirely from his own free choice, Cevallos was told, that while the house of Bourbon reigned in Spain France never could be secure, i the case of war again breaking out in the north of Europe.

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In opposition to this argument, Cevallos reasoned with Champagny, or might have reasoned, as in fact he does in his exposition; as fallows: Ever since the restoration of peace between the two countries, Spain had adhered to her engagements with France with: une shaken fidelity. The political.com duct of Charles IV. since the treaty of Basle, afforded a recent proof that sovereigus had little regard to family interests, when these were in opposition to the interests of their dominions; that the friendship be tween France and Spain was founded in local and political considerations; that the topographical situa tion of the two kingdoms was of its self sufficient to demonstrate, how important it was for Spain to pre serve, a good understanding with France, the only state on the continent of Europe, with which she had direct and very extensive relatious. The only circumstance by which this fidelity, could be staggered, would be an attempt on the part of France to assail the independence of Spain, or the honour of her sovereign. Such an attempt might re-open an intercourse with England, which had already en

deavoured

deavoured to effect a reconciliation,
necessarily to be followed by mea
sures essentially prejudicial to
France. What confidence could
Europe place in treaties with Buo-
naparte, were it discovered that he
had broken through the sacred en-
gagements contracted by him but
six months before, with Charles IV.
in the secret treaty of Fontainebleau?
The conference between the
French and Spanish ministers was
interrupted by a command from
Buonaparte, who had secretly heard
their discourse, to attend him in his
cabinet. There, Cevallos tells us,
he was treated by the French em-
peror, as a traitor to his former
master Charles; because he was
now in the service of Ferdinand,
and reproached in the most insult
ing manner, for having maintained,
in a former official conference with
general Mouthion, that however
necessary the recognition of Fer-
dinand's title to the throne of Spain
might be to the preservation of
amity between the two countries,
still that his title was not to be in-
validated by the withholding of any
such recognition.

Finding, however, Cevallos inflexible in the principles he professed, as we are told by this minister himself, Buonaparte put an end the interview with these characteristic expressions; "I have a system of policy of my own; you ought to adopt more liberal ideas; to be less rigid on the point of honour; and not to sacrifice the pros perity of Spain for the interests of the Bourbon Family."

Despairing of success in a nego ciation with Cevallos, Buonaparte required Ferdinand to entrust his concerns with some other minister. That no difficulty might arise on

this score, Don Pedro Labrador who had been minister at the court of Florence, was selected to conduct the negociation on the part of Ferdinand, and instructed to declare that his master neither would nor could consent to the renunciation of his rights, or those of his family, to the throne of their ancestors. Labrador's demands of the production of the French ministers full powers to treat with him, and for an authenticated statement of the proposals of Buonaparte, were evaded by Champagny, as matters of merely official form. Champagny added an insinuation, that Labrador might, by falling in with the emperor's views, secure the prosperity of Spain, and at the same time promote his own private advantage. Labrador required that Ferdinand should be instantly per-. mitted to return to Spain. But he was told, that matters could be arranged only by the two sovereigns,. either by letters or in a personal interview.

This answer, added to the other circumstances, left no doubt in the mind of king Ferdinand, that he was actually under arrest. However, in order to establish beyond a doubt the certainty of this fact, Cevallos, by his majesty's order, sent a nole to the French minister for foreign affairs, telling him, that the king was determined to return to Madrid, to tranquillize the agitation of his beloved subjects; and to provide for the transaction of the important business of the kingdom; assuring Mr. Champagny at the same time, that he himself would continue, in order to treat with his imperial majesty, on affairs reciprocally advantageous.

Buonaparte finding Ferdinand in

flexible,

flexible, had recourse to other expedients for effecting his abject. It was with a view to this, that the old king and queen were invited to repair to Bayonne, for the purpose of a final arrangement of affairs.

should be assembled; that his present resignation, with his motives thereto, should be duly and regu laily recorded; that Charles should dismiss from his presence the persons who had so justly incurred the detestation of the nation; that if Charles, as it was understood, de

vernment, Ferdinand would undertake the administration, either in the name of his father, and as his lieutenant, or in his own name.

On the following day, May 2d, the old king, in a long answer, evidently dictated by the great usurper, author of the whole tragedy, declared his abdication to have been compulsory, and attributed bis present distressful situation to the inveterate hatred of Ferdinand against France, of which evidence in his own letters had been communicated, (which has been above adverted to) by the emperor.

Scarcely had Charles reached Bayonne, when he was employed to demand, that his son should re-clined to resume the reins of gosign the crown so lately assumed, signifying at the same time, his resolution not to remount the throne himself, but to renounce all his rights, and those of his family, in favour of France. Ferdinand VII. overawed, a prisoner, and controlled by circumstances, on the 1st of May transmitted in writing a conditional renunciation of the crown in favour of his august father. In that paper Ferdinand observed, that though his father had personally declared his abdication to be voluntary, it now appeared, that it was his secret intention to resume the crown, when it should become advisable. It now also appeared, that it was not his design either to remount the throne himself, or even to return to his dominions; at the same time, that the rightful heir was directed to renounce his claims to the succession.

Notwithstanding the inexplicable contrariety in Charles's conduct, Ferdinand consented to resign all present pretensions to the throne; but upon certain conditions, calculated to prevent the alienation of the sovereignty to any foreign power. He proposed, that Charles should return to Madrid, whither he would attend him as a dutiful son; that the Cortes, or at least, the great council of the kingdom,

• See Appendix to Chronicle, p. 253.

Charles concludes with asserting his conviction, that the disorders of Spain were to be remedied only by Buonaparte, whom, from long experience, the aged monarch says, he knew to be incapable of forming any design hostile to the honour and interests of the royal family of Spain."

Ferdinand's reply to this communication, dated the 4th of Mayt, together with many powerful representations to his father, on the future situation of the kingdom, contains many strong arguments for believing the abdication of the 19th of March to have been voluntary, although the consequences to be apprehended from the popular cominotions, night Lave

+ Appen, to Chron, p. 236...

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