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work without encountering any great if he obtain an interest in his land degree of toil. Add to this more espe- nearly equivalent to such a tenure, we cially, that the accumulation of wealth conceive that the agriculture of the is not the object, does not become the country is much more likely to be ad. tone of society, until an advanced vanced than under any system of large stage of its progress. Every man farming. The devotion to his pursuit is satisfied if he can continue pretty which such an interest in the land has much as he is, and rear his children always developed among civilised naafter the same fashion in which he tions does more than compensate for was himself brought up. But when any advantages which the large farmer the work of production falls into the may enjoy in the cultivation of his hands of great capitalists — when land. if any of our readers happen quickness of return, and not the rate never to have considered this subject of profit, becomes the great object- in this light, we would refer them to when, above all, the accumulation of the numerous examples adduced by wealth becomes the great object of de- Mr. Mill in his treatise on Political sire, then must every occupation be so Economy-examples drawn from Flandistributed that not a moment may be ders, Norway, Switzerland, Germany, lost by a single workman from early Lombardy, France, Guernsey, and dawn to dark night ; nothing then but other countries - examples of unthe most strenuous and most continu- equalled prosperity under a system of ous exertion will satisfy the require- peasant proprietorship, attested by ments of the employer; the workman every traveller who has visited the who will not contribute this must cursus alluded to. be cast aside altogether. He will, We, however, feel bound to say, that indeed, be remunerated for his labour, a people may be so backward in civilisamply, abundantly, in money. Every ation, that it would be perilous to venstimulus to exertion will be held ture on this experiment. We greatly out to him, and, while his frame fear that our own countrymen are not lasts, he will get wages such as work. yet prepared for the reception of such man never got before ; he will have a measure; we by no means see that more to expend on stimulants to re- the lands are the best cultivated where vive his exhausted nature, than his the farmers have the best interests in forefathers expended on the neces. them—there must be a certain amount saries of life ; but it is on the condition of knowledge and industry first subwe have stated, a condition which the sisting among the people, before they energy and determination of our Anglo- can be trusted with the lands in fee; Saxon race makes them ready enough but when possessed of these qualities, to fulfil--that of incessant exertion. In we know of no way in which they can this way, as it appears to us, the accu. be more fully called into action, than mulation of large capitals and the abo- by the system of peasant-proprietor. lition of smaller capitalists, has in some ship, that system which produced degree occasioned that peculiar phase “the eminently manly and true-heartof society which now presents itself-ed race," the yeomanry of England. that a workman can earn nothing unless And while we are on the subject of he works intensely hard, but that by small proprietorships, it is impossible doing so he will earn very much more to avoid noticing a most forcible illusthan ever he did before.

tration of its advantages, which was That the change which has thus submitted to the Statistical Society of taken place from the employment of London, in a paper read in the April small capitals to large ones, is favour- of last year by Mr. John Barton. able to the increase of national wealth The subject of the paper was the inin all branches of trade, commerce, and Auence of the subdivision of the soil manufacture, we believe, cannot admit on the moral and physical well-being of question. Whether the change has of the people of England and Wales ; been equally favourable to agriculture and its object was to shew that crime we strongly doubt. There are few diminishes as small proprietorships inimprovements which can be adopted crease. That crime is least in Weston a large farm, that would not be moreland and North Wales, where proportionally beneficial on a small more than one-half of the farmers em. one; and if the small farmer be con- ploy no labourers at all, but carry on yerted into a proprietor or yeoman, or the business of cultivation merely with

their own hands and that of their chil- tural and the manufacturing—we will dren; and that, as this state of things advert only to the former. These he lessens, crime augments. We certainly divides into five classes, according to were quite prepared to believe that the the proportion borne by the number possession of property served to re- of labourers to the occupiers; he then strain men from the commission of compares, in each class, the average crime; but until we read this paper we number of commitments in five years, could not have supposed that this with the amount of the population ; principle would have found such uni. and he finds that, in every case, the versal confirmation in the statistics of number of commitments rises regularly every county of England. Mr. Barton and progressively with the size of the divides the counties into the agricul. farms. Thus


1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Number of Labourers to each Occupier.

2 or less.
2 to 3.
3 to 5.

5 to 7.
More than 7.

Number of Commitments in each 100,000,

37. 104. 117. 142. 184.

But admitting this great accumula- deserving of the utmost consideration. tion of capital to be favourable to the They are most true and most philosoincrease of national wealth, as it un- phical. Our space will, unfortunately, questionably is, in every branch of pro- only allow of our giving a short extract duction, with the one exception, as we from a portion of his treatise, which conceive, of agriculture—it yet may we would gladly quote at length, if it well be asked, to what does this per- were practicable :petual struggle after wealth tend ? Is it favourable to national character, or " It would be a far worse world than a to national happiness? It would, of good Deity has made it, if felicity increased course, be absurd to strive against this, proportionally with riches, and the occupant which is the engrossing passion of Eng

of the castle were as much happier than the land at the present day, at least of the occupant of the cottage as his rooms are most numerous classes, the manufac- more stately, his drapery and furniture more turing and trading interests. But let

costly, and his viands more dainty. It is us glance for one moment at the

not by multiplying twopence by thirty that motives which lead to it, and at its

we can estimate the happiness of him who

drinks claret over him who drinks beer. It results. The workman, of course, la.

is a trite saying, that the poor are as happy bours for his daily bread. As we have

as the rich, and happier ; but perhaps the seen, he cannot work less strenuously reasons for holding this belief have not been than he does; if he were to do so, he often closely examined, and hence the gewould not be employed at all. But of neral principle has been attacked as a vain the upper classes of producers, the vast sentiment, invented by the rich to appease majority of them are influenced, in a the poor. But if we look at the main elegreat measure, by the wretched ambi. ments of human felicity, we shall find that tion of becoming richer than their they are among the objects of moderate neighbours, coupled with the dread of attainment. They consist in health, physical

and mental-in food sufficient to satisfy ennui, and of the fearful listlessness

hunger-in clothing sufficient to protect the which is the necessary consequence of body from the elements and in that enjoythere being but one pursuit of which ment of the domestic attachments which they are capable. The passion for continues the existence of our species. The money-making, like every other high wealth of the richest man that ever lired excitement, engrosses the whole mind, will not add to the list a fifth element of to the exclusion of all other pursuits. enjoyment so large as any one of these

. It will be among the triumphs of edu- The next in greatness will be found in incation, when it becomes generally dif

tellectual pursuits ; but this class of luxuries fused, that it will withdraw our race

is unknown to those in whom a taste for from this eternal pursuit for gain, by

them is not cultivated, and it rarely happens

that where the love exists it is not gratified. supplying them with other and nobler objects on which to exercise their facul

It possesses, like the luxury of virtue, the

rare faculty of ministering to its own de ties that we may become poorer, and mands; and it has the peculiarity of affordwiser, and happier men. The follow- ing a method in which the poor can enjoy ing observations of Mr. Burton are the possessions of the rich without humi.

liation, for the passing study of pictures and condition of their workmen and of so. statues gives them some advantage from ciety :their rich neighbour's possessions without their picking the crumbs that drop from his table.

" The capitalists of this country, especially " Where there are equal laws, and the the manufacturing capitalists, cannot be allabourer, without exhausting exertion, can together acquitted of contributing to the house, clothe, and feed himself; can marry disorganising elements which have produced and bring up children; he thus satisfies to

the strikes and combinations, as well as the himself the main conditions of our imperfect

other evils of ignorance and prejudice, from human happiness. There are none of these

which they and their workmen have severally truly rich endowments that have not in their

suffered. Men cannot live to good purpose very nature a counteracting quality in every

without the social affections of family and effort to expand them. The appetite has kindred, uniting their household civilisation its limits of enjoyment. Its fastidiousness with the external influence of the clergyman rises fully to a par with the art that indulges

and the schoolmaster. When population it; and he who makes a gradual progress

grows by natural increase, without being inonwards from the coarsest to the most ex

fluenced by adventitious circumstances, these quisite food, certainly forfeits all relish for regulating influences naturally grow with it, the simplicity he has deserted, but gains no

and become sufficient for their purposes. new pleasure from the excitements which

The increase still preserves the family shape his appetite demands. The labourer sud- and consistency; as the tree still consists of denly raised to affluence by some freak of

branches, leaves, and flowers, however great fortune, often leaves irrecoverably behind it grows. Even the clergy and the schoolhim the true pleasures of the table.”

masters naturally increase with the gradual

demands on their attention; though there We need but advert to one instance

should be to greater specific inducement to

this increase than the mere habit of a people which has of late years called forth

who have been accustomed to the services of much discussion, and which painfully a certain number of these spiritual and temillustrates how direct is the antagonism poral teachers to each hundred of the populabetween national wealth and national tion. weal—we refer to the employment of “When a mass of human beings, almost women and children in factories, and as great as the population of a city, are sudto the measures which have been denly brought together by the temptation of brought forward for limiting their

lucrative employment, they do not naturally hours of work. Now if we assume that

consist of families bringing to the new place these persons, whose hours of labour

of residence their home-sympathies, their

family ties, and the gentle, but strong init is proposed thus to restrict, could

fluence exercised by these regulators over work with the same intensity for

their conduct. They consist of the class of the longer time as for the shorter,

persons who are wanted for the occupation there can be no question but that a -men alone, or men with a certain proporcurtailment of their hours of labour tion of women and of children, as the nature must diminish their productiveness, of the labour suggests. If the manufacturer and so far impair the national wealth; think of nothing but wages and profits, he but if we at the same time know cannot expect to gather round him a circle that the prolongation of their la- of moral, well-disposed, and agreeable neighbour is to the ruin of their domestic bours; and if he suffer some inconveniences duties, their social enjoyments, and

or graver evils from the state of society

which he has himself been so instrumental their human nature-that heart, mind,

in creating, he is not an object of deep comand body alike fail, and sink under the

passion. But other people also have been practice-surely it then becomes the

sufferers. The peace of the community at duty of the legislature to interpose and

large has been often shaken, and large to protect those who are incapable of portions of society have been demoralised by determining for themselves, or of con- these inconsiderate aggregations of people, trolling the evil if they could appreciate suddenly cast free from the usual controls of its extent, and boldly to proclaim that the domestic and social connections; while no increase of national wealth shall

they rear children, who, in a great measure, ever be purchased at so fearful a price.

continue on to future generations the pecu

liarities of character thus created, and indeed We cannot refrain from laying before

are themselves subject to but few organising our readers an extract or two more

influences likely to counteract them. from Mr. Burton's book, which is im.

“The man who has brought together such mediately suggested to us by this sub

a multitude without any other object of conject. They refer to the responsibilities sideration than the profit he is to derive from of employers with regard to the moral his own enterprise and capital, and their


labours, and who abandons them to all the to the other volume which lies before temptations which human beings, destitute of their natural controlling influences, and Mr. Ileron's “Lectures on Taxa. brought together in great masses, are liable

tion,” although not free from error, to, must be held to incur a very serious

which a little more consideration we responsibility to the whole of his species.

are satisfied would have obviated, That it is a responsibility capable of being

are creditable to himself and to legally exacted, would be a dangerous pro

the institution with which he is conposition. Laws cannot safely be made for such cases until after the mischief is dove ;

nected. The fair and practical spirit for prospective legislation, proceeding with

which pervades the whole most comout a full experimental knowledge of the mendable. Instead of claiming for his circumstances to which it is to be applied, is subject a paramount importance, as a very precarious operation.

might naturally have been expected It must be admitted, however, that a

from a young professor, he thus fairly late formidable example has shown how

states the place which it is entitled to difficult it is to influence the cupidity of men

hold :in their haste to become rich, su far as to make them reflect on the consequences of

“Of course you will not understand me in their acquisitive operations to society at

this course of lectures as absolutely reconilarge. We have already spoken of the social evils of the railway speculation of

mending anything to be done or any reform

to be made in our system of taxation. It is 1847 in connection with the pecuniary fuc

merely the business of the political economist tuations occasioned by it. It was another

to state principles and draw conclusions; but evil of that mania, that it brought into ex

his conclusions, however true they may be, istence an army of men-powerful in bodily

do not authorise him to add a single word of strength, but totally uneducated, and little

advice. That privilege belongs to the statesrestrained by religious and social influences, wlio had necessarily, from their aggregation

man, who has to consider, besides the abso

lute justice of the measures which he proin large numbers, almost all the peculiarities

poses, the expediency also of these measures of a military body, except its discipline.

in relation to the existing interests and comThe number of labourers employed in the

plicated rights of society. The business of a spring of 1847, in the construction of the various lines of railway, amounted, as we

political economist is neither to recommend have elsewhere had occasion to say, to

dissuade, bu to state principles which

it is fatal absolutely to neglect, but neither 240,307. Of these a large number were, by

advisable nor practicable to use as the sole the late depression of trade, dispersed through

guide in the conduct of human affairs The society as suddenly as they had been ori

legislator must consider not only economic ginally brought together; and the various destitution funds throughout the empire,

principles, but also the political, the social,

the moral principles, and those which are along with the riots which disturbed the

expedient at the present time.” peace of the community, were the indications of this partial disbanding of an army. Yet when we observe the utterly disorganised and

It would be very unfair to test this chaotic nature of their amalgaination, their

little work by the strict rules which excesses and their mendicancy have been far would apply to a professed treatise on less than might naturally have been ex- the subject. The publication consists pected.

of three lectures, which were delivered " Believing that the time when working- to public voluntary classes in the people will be effectively protected from the Queen's College, Galway. In lectures seitishness and recklessness of their employers of this nature it would bave been quite will come when the employers, along with

impossible for Mr. Heron to have disthe rest of the community, are protected

cussed his subject strictly scientifically, froin the barbarism of the workmen-that

He was necessarily obliged to attract that civilisation, or e lucation, or whatever

and to fasten the attention of his auwe may term the regenerating element, will leaven the whole mass—it should not be for

dience. This no lecturer could succeed gotten in the meantime, that for whatever in doing, if he were to commence with disorganising influences in the arrangements

the enunciation of abstract principles, between employers and their work people are and to proceed with rigid scientific acremovable, the former-being the better curacy to trace their application through educated of the two classes, having the chief every minute ramification of the sub. opportunities for reflection and observation, ject. All that a lecturer, under such and being able to make the most considerable

circumstances, can hope to accomplish sacrifices—ought to be responsible."

is, to impress some strong leading views

of his subject on his hearers. In alınost It is time that we shoull norr turn all these views, so far as they are of


an economical character, we fully con- same amount on tea that we now do cur with him. There are a few less paying the tax, and that the price did essential points, chiefly introduced by not vary in China) would be simply way of illustration, which it occurs to this : that we would have more tea and us Mr. Heron might reconsider with fewer soldiers, or colleges, or ministers advantage. We would more particu- of justice, or whatever else it is that larly refer him to the forty-fifth page, the tax is now expended on. Test the in which he speaks of the effect of the matter by an individual instance : a abolition of the duty on tea :

shoemaker produces a certain number

of pairs of shoes annually—this is his “Supposing then," says Mr. Heron, " that income ; with this he purchases bis the price of tea being lowered, consequent tea, pays his taxes, and soforth; if his upon the abolition of the duty, the population taxes be remitted, he can buy so much of these islands continued to expend the same

more tea, no doubt, but he does not amount upon tea which they do now paying the tax, and that the price of tea did not

make more shoes than ever he did ; of vary materially in China, it is plain that

course the fact of his exchanging his nearly £5,000,000 additional (such being

shoes for money before he buys his tea, the amount of the duty), less the cost of or pays the tax collector, makes no transit, would be expended upon tea there.

change in the matter. Now, how can In order to pay for this, it would be necessary the process vary when applied to a na. to send to China £5,000,000 in whatever tion, which is but a collection of indivi. manufactured goods they would take in ex- duals. The income of a country is the change. Now we must bear in mind, that these annual produce of its land, its labour, goods would be manufactured in addition to and its capital ; a certain portion of the quantity already required; so that if this this, to the value of £5,000,000, is now tax were abolished, not only would the price expended in providing for some purposes of a wholesome article of food be lowered, and the comforts of the labouring poor, and

of public defence, or education, or such the productive powers of the country be

like; it is transferred from these purthereby increased, but there would be also a poses to providing an article of food new demand for the £5,000,000 of manu- for the people. Surely this transfer of factured articles; and this increase in the £5,000,000 from one mode of expendemand for manufactures would not only diture to another, can only affect the benefit the manufacturing population, but application of the income of the counwould also benefit ship-builders, labourers, try—it can have nothing whatever to carriers, and others engaged in the transit of say to the amount; there may be goods to the port of shipment, and the bro

changes created from one branch of kers and commercial agents employed there. Again, the greater part of this £5,000,000

trade to another, but the whole will being distributed in wages amongst the peo

result in this simple statement, that ple, they would to that extent be enabled to

there is more tea by the value of purchase, and would purchase better food;

£5,000,000 annually brought into the so that the agricultural population would be

country, and distributed amongst its ultimately benefitted, the value of agricul

inhabitants. tural labour increased, and the landlords re- In one way, indeed, which Mr. ceive higher rents, for the interests of mana- Heron was not called upon by his subfacture and of agriculture are inseparable— ject to advert to, the change might have united."

the effect of increasing the manufac

tures of the country. The soldiers, and Now here is an interminable series schoolinasters, and such like persons, of advantages ascribed to the abolition to whom the five millions' worth of the of the duty, on tea, by a process of annual produce of the country had reasoning which, as we conceive, in- hitherto been given, would be obliged volves much misapprehension. Weonly to embark in some other occupations, wonder that our author stopped so and many of them, no doubt, would soon; for plainly, on the principle on find their way into the manufacturing which he set out, he might continue employments of the country. This to expand the circle of advantages would, of course, increase the manu. throughout all the foreign countries factures of the country; and probably with which England directly or indi. a portion, even of this increased manurectly has any commercial intercourse. facture, would find its way to China We apprehend that the effect of the to purchase an additional quantity of abolition of the duty (supposing, as our te3; a certain number of persons would author does, that we would expend the be transferred from one kind of occu.

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