"population is always pressing against the limits of the means of subsistence," by the power of procreation!!!

The following paragraph, to which we before referred, as taken from M. Simond's Tour in England, is certainly out of its place, in this chapter. It must, surely, form some part of one of the chapters on the poor laws, as a demonstration of the evils they have produced. Let the reader, however, judge, if we are not, at least, apparently right in our conjecture.

"In some very intelligent travels through a great part of England, in 1810 and 1811, by M. Simond, a French gentleman, who had resided above twenty years in America, the author seems to have been evidently much struck with the air of convenience and comfort in the houses of our peasantry, and the neatness and cleanliness of their dress. In some parts of his tour, he saw so many neat cottages, so much good clothing, and so little appearance of poverty and distress, that he could not help wondering where the poor people of England and their dwellings were concealed. These observations, coming from an able, accurate, and most impartial observer, just landed from America, and visiting England for the first time, are curious and instructive," on the subject of the poor laws!!!

Let any unprejudiced person look at this ex

tract, thus quoted, with approbation, by Mr. Malthus himself; and if they believe, that the poor laws have produced the degrading and pernicious effects which Mr. Malthus asserts, then let them figure to themselves what an independent, free, happy, industrious, and virtuous people, the labouring English must have been in the time of Henry the Eighth, about 2 centuries ago, when the first of the poor laws were enacted. If, instead of such a people, the history of that period furnish them with the picture of a more enslaved commonalty, (exclusive of the effects of taxation,) and a more sycophant gentry, than the present, then let them pause before they admit Mr. Malthus's assertions on the subject of poor laws. We may conclude this paragraph and chapter, by observing, with an able political economist, that tithes are much more injurious to the country, and particularly to agriculture, than poor rates.

CHAPTER IX.

"OF THE COMMERCIAL SYSTEM."

For the true political economy of this system, we again refer to Mr. Ricardo's book. To our apprehension, this chapter seems to have commerce rather than the commercial system, for its subject, at least, according to our ideas of the meaning usually conveyed by those terms.

The author states, that "advantages which depend exclusively upon capital and skill, and the present possession of particular channels of commerce, cannot, in their nature, be permanent." We, however, think, that those which depend exclusively upon capital and skill, are so far of a permanent nature, that they may continue for ages in the possession of the country which first acquires them, if she be not deprived thereof by external force, or internal oppression, or villainous corruption. A nation, which is strong enough to ward off the former, ought to guard very particularly against the lat

ter; since we know, from the history of former commercial states, that one or other of these causes always operated in producing those changes in the channels of trade, which effected their ruin. Although we are aware, that "to confine improvement to a single spot," is both difficult and not to be desired, yet, we also know, that it is extremely difficult to say to improvement-here is thy limit. The place which gives birth to the first improvement, may be as likely to give birth to the second or third, and so A powerful foreign competition can hardly take place, but through weakness, wickedness, or mismanagement, on the part of the people or government of that country, which first becomes possessed of the greatest capital and skill.* If two countries are merely on a par, in respect of natural advantages, the permanency of particular channels of trade will naturally depend on the peculiar circumstances of each; and, therefore, the possession of some may be quite uncertain and temporary, while

on.

We learn, from a note to this chapter, that America has begun to manufacture for herself, to a considerable extent.— This is in consequence of the enormous taxation and detestable corn bills of England rendering it more profitable to manufacture in America, notwithstanding that the differences of natural advantages, capital, and skill, are so much in favour of England.

others may exist, even amidst the wreck of the state and the ruin of the people. "Venice, Bruges, Antwerp, and Holland," were all ruined from one or more of the causes already mentioned, viz. war, monopoly, or tyrannical taxation. Monopoly, indeed, may be considered as the bane of any commercial state, which, in its legislation, admits the slightest mixture of its poisonous influence; because it generates wicked and corrupt principles in the hearts of its votaries and advocates-by degrees, it infects the whole community, and prompts them to commit such wicked actions, and to follow such infamous lines of proceeding, as, ultimately, to kindle the anger of both God and man against them, and then their destruction follows of course.

The sage note at the conclusion of this chapter of the Essay, contains about as much wisdom and matter-of-fact statements, relative to the assumed "evils occasioned by the principle of population," as though it had been exhibited by some such personage as the man in the moon, instead of the grave and very learned fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge, and Professor-General of Political Economy for British India. Here it is :-"It is a curious fact, that among the causes of the decline of the Dutch trade, Sir W. Temple reckons the cheapness of