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source ; and it is in search of some memorial of the virtuous down the very mountains, was not felt by one of the combes. republicans of the family that we visit the church of St. ants."* Such is the description of Liry. It may be doubled Lorenzo at Florence. The tawdry, glaring, unfinished chapel whether modern tactics would admit of such an abstraction. in that church, designed for the mausoleum of the Dukes of The site of the battle of Thrasimene is not to be mistakes. Tuscany, set round with crowns and cotfius, gives birth to no The traveller from the village under Cortona to Casa å emotions but those of contempt for the lavish vanity of a race Piano, the next stage on the way to Rome, has for the frx of despots, whilst the pavement slab, simply inscribed to the

(wo or three miles, around him, but more particularly to the Father of his Country, reconciles us to the name of Medici. I right, that flat land which Hannibal laid waste in order to inIt was very natural for Corinna ? to suppose that the statue duce the Consul Flaminius to move from Arezzo. On his raised to the Duke of Urbino in the capella de' depositi was left, and in front of him, is a ridge of hills bending dors intended for his great namesake; but the magnificent Lorenzo towards the lake of Thrasimene, called by Liry * mooies is only the sharer of a collin half hidden in a niche of the sa- Cortonenses," and now named the Gualandra. These buils cristy. The decay of Tuscany dates from the sovereignty of

he approaches at Ossaja, a village which the itineraries prethe Medici. Or the sepulchral peace which succeeded to

tend to have been so denominated from the bones found the establishment of the reigning families in Italy, our own

there: but there have been no bones found there, and the Sidney has given us a glowing, but a faithful picture. "Not

battle was fought on the other side of the hill. From Oscaja withstanding all the seditions of Florence, and other cities

the road begins to rise a little, but does not pass into the roots of Tuscany, the horrid factions of Guelphs and Ghibelins,

of the mountains until the sixty-seventh milestone from Neri and Bianchi, nobles and commons, they continued popu- Florence. The ascent thence is not steep but perpetual, and lous, strong, and exceeding rich; but in the space of less than

continues for twenty minutes. The lake is soon seen below a hundred and fifty years, the peaceable reign of the Medices

on the right, with Borghetto, a round tower, close upon the is thought to have destroyed nine parts in ten of the people

water ; and the undulating hills partially covered si:h wood, of that province. Amongst other things, it is remarkable,

amongst which the road winds, sink by degrees into the that when Philip II. of Spain gave Sienna to the Duke of

marshes near to this tower. Lower than the road, down to Florence, his ambassador then at Rome sent him word that

the right amidst these woody hillocks, Hannibal placed his he had given away more than 650,000 subjects; and it is not be

horses, in the jaws of, or rather above the pass, which was lieved there are now 20,000 souls inhabiting that city and ter

between the lake and the present road, and most probably ritory. Pisa, Pistola, Arezzo, Cortona, and other towns, that

close to Borghetto, just under the lowest of the “ tumuli." were then good and populous, are in the like proportion di- On a summit to the left, above the road, is an old circula minished, and Florence more than any. When that city had

ruin, which the peasants call " the tower of Hannibal the been long troubled with seditions, tumults, and wars, for the

Carthaginian." Arrived at the highest point of the road, the most part unprosperous, they still retained such strength,

traveller has a partial view of the fatal plain, which opens that when Charles VIII. of France, being admitted as a

fully upon him as he descends the Gualandra. He soon finds friend with his whole army, which soon after conquered the

himself in a vale enclosed to the left, and in front, and kingdom of Naples, thought to master them, the people,

behind him by the Gualandra hills, bending round in a seg. taking arms, struck such a terror into him, that he was glad

ment larger than a semicircle, and running down at each end to depart upon such conditions as they thought fit to impose.

to the lake, which obliques to the right and forms the cbord Machiavel reports, that in that time Florence alone, with the

of this mountain arc. The position cannot be guessed at Val d'Arno, a small territory belonging to that city, could,

from the plains of Cortona, nor appears to be so completely in a few hours, by the sound of a bell, bring together 135,000

enclosed unless to one who is fairly within the hills. It then, well-armed men ; whereas now that city, with all the others

indeed, appears “a place made as it were on purpose for a in that province, are brought to such despicable weakness,

snare," locus insidiis natus. * Borghetto is then found to emptiness, poverty, and baseness, that they can neither resist

stand in a narrow marshy pass close to the hill, and to the oppressions of their own prince, nor defend him or them.

the lake, whilst there is no other outlet at the opposite selves if they were assaulted by a foreign enemy. The people

turn of the mountains than through the little town of Pasare dispersed or destroyed, and the best families sent to seek

signano, which is pushed into the water by the foot of a habitations in Venice, Genoa, Rome, Naples, and Lucca.

high rocky acclivity." There is a woody eminence branch. This is not the effect of war or pestilence: they enjoy a

ing down from the mountains into the upper end of the plain perfect peace, and suffer no other plague than the government

nearer to the side of Passignano, and on this stands a white they are under."From the usurper Cosmo down to the

village called Torre. Polybius seems to allude to this emiimbecile Gaston, we look in vain for any of those unmixed

nence as the one on which Hannibal encamped, and drew out qualities which should raise a patriot to the command of his fellow-citizens. The Grand Dukes, and particularly the third

his heavy-armed Africans and Spaniards in a conspicuous po

sition. From this spot he despatched his Balearic and lightCosmo, had operated so entire a change in the Tuscan cha.

armed troops round through the Gualandra heights to the racter, that the candid Florentines, in excuse for some imper-right, so as to arrive unseen and form an ambush amongst fections in the philanthropic system of Leopold, are obliged

the broken acclirities which the road now passes, and to be to confess that the sovereign was the only liberal man in his dominions. Yet that excellent prince himself had no other

ready to act upon the left fank and above the enemy, whilst notion of a national assembly, than of a body to represent the

the horse shut up the pass behind. Flaminius came to the wants and wishes, not the will, of the people.

lake near Borghetto at sunset ; and, without sending any spies before him, marched through the pass the next morning before the day had quite broken, so that he perceired nothing of the horse and light troops abore and about him,

and saw only the heavy-armed Carthaginians in front on the No. XXIII. BATTLE OF THRASDIEYE.

hill of Torre. The consul began to draw out his army in

the flat, and in the meantime the horse in ambush occupied An earthquake reeld unheededly away." — Stanza Ixiii.

the pass behind him, at Borghetto. Thus the Romans were " And such was their mutual animosity, so intent were they completely enclosed, having the lake on the right, the main upon the battle, that the earthquake, which orerthrew in great army on the hill of Torre in front, the Gualandra hills filled part many of the cities of Italy, which turned the course of with the light-armed on their left fank, and being prevented rapid streams, poured back the sea upon the rivers, and core from receding by the cavalry, who, the farther they adranced,

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1 Cosnius Medices, Decreto Publico, Pater Parria. 2 Corinne, lic. Ivi. chap. iii. vol.iii. pige 219.

3 On Governinent, chap. ij. ect. Irvi. pag. 209. elit. 1751. Sidney is, together with Locke and loadley, one of Mr. Hume's "despicable" writers. 4 Tit. Liv. lb. fui. cap. xii.

5 Ibid. cap. iv.

6 T. Liv. lib. xxii. cap. ir.

7 Hist, lih. iii. cap. 83. The account in Polybius is not so enly recone cilable with prevent appearancs is that in Liry; he talks of fulls to the right and lift up the pass and valley; but when Flaminius entered be had the lake at the night of both.

stopped up all the outlets in the rear. A fog rising from the lake now spread itself over the army of the consul, but the high lands were in the sunshine, and all the different corps in ambush looked toward the hill of Torre for the order of attack. Hannibal gave the signal, and moved down from his post on the height. At the same moment all his troops on the eminences behind and in the fank of Flaminius rushed forwards as it were with one accord into the plain. The Romans, who were forming their array in the mist, suddenly heard the shouts of the enemy amongst them, on every side, and before they could fall into their ranks, or draw their swords, or see by whom they were attacked, felt at once that they were surrounded and lost.

There are two little riviucts which run from the Gualandra into the lako. The traveller crosses the first of these at about a mile after he comes into the plain, and this divides the Tuscan from the Papal territories. The second, about a quarter of a mile further on, is called “the bloody rivulet ;” and the peasants point out an open spot to the left between the" Sanguinetto" and the hills, which, they say, was the principal scene of slaughter. The other part of the plain is covered with thick-set olive trees in corn gr and is nowhere quite lerel except near the edge of the lake. It is, indeed, most probable that the battle was fought near this end of the valley, for the six thousand Romans, who, at the beginning of the action, broke through the enemy, escaped to the summit of an eminence which must have been in this quarter, otherwise they would have had to traverse the whole plain, and to pierce through the main army of Hannibal.

The Romans fought desperately for three hours; but the death of Flaminius was the signal for a general dispersion. The Carthaginian horse then burst in upon the fugitives, and the lake, the marsh about Borghetto, but chiefly the plain of the Sanguinetto and the passes of the Gualandra, were strewed with dead. Near some old walls on a bleak ridge to the left above the rivulet, many human bones have been repeatedly found, and this has confirmed the pretensions and the name of the "stream of blood."

Every district of Italy has its hero. In the north some painter is the usual genius of the place, and the foreign Julio Romano more than divides Mantua with her native Virgil. 1 To the south we hear of Roman names. Near Thrasimene tradition is still faithful to the fame of an enemy, and Hannibal the Carthaginian is the only ancient name remembered on the banks of the Perugian lake. Flaminius is unknown; but the postillions on that road have been taught to show the very spot where Il Console Romano was slain. Of all who fought and fell in the battle of Thrasimene, the historian himself has, besides the generals and Maharbal, preserved indeed only a single name. You overtake the Carthaginian again on the same road to Rome. The antiquary, that is, the hostler of the posthouse at Spoleto, tells you that his town repulsed the victorious enemy, and shows you the gate still called Porta di Annibale. It is hardly worth while to remark that a French travel writer, well known by the name of the Presi. dent Dupaty, saw Thrasimene in the lake of Bolsena, which lay conveniently on his way from Sienna to Rome.

Roman Empire. Mr. Gibbon found it in the memorials of Flaminius Vacca; and it may be added to his mention of it, that Pope Julius III. gave the contending owners five hun. dred crowns for the statue, and presented it to Cardinal Capo di Ferro, who had prevented the judgment of Solomon from being executed upon the image. In a more civilised age this statue was exposed to an actual operation ; for the French who acted the Brutus of Voltaire in the Coliseum, resolved that their Cæsar should fall at the base of that Pompey, which was supposed to have been sprinkled with the blood of the original dictator. The nine-foot hero was therefore re. mored to the arena of the amphitheatre, and, to facilitate its transport, suffered the temporary amputation of its right arm. The republican tragedians had to plead that the arm was a restoration : but their accusers do not believe that the integrity of the statue would have protected it. The love of finding every coincidence has discovered the true Cæsarian ichor in a stain near the right knee; but colder criticism has rejected not only the blood, but the portrait, and assigned the globe of power rather to the first of the emperors than to the last of the republican masters of Rome. Winkel. mann ? is loth to allow an heroic statue of a Roman citizen, but the Grimani Agrippa, a contemporary almost, is heroic ; and naked Roman figures were only very rare, not absolutely forbidden. The face accords much better with the “ homi. nem integrum et castum et gravem "," than with any of the busts of Augustus, and is too stern for him who was beau. tiful, says Suetonius, at all periods of his life. The pretended likeness to Alexander the Great cannot be discerned, but the traits resemble the medal of Pompey. The objectionable globe may not have been an ill applied flattery to him who sound Asia Minor the boundary, and left it the centre or the Roman empire. It seems that Winkelmann has made a mistake in thinking that no proof of the identity of this statue with that which received the bloody sacrifice can be derived from the spot where it was discovered.) Flaminius Vacca says sotto una cantina, and this cantina is known to have been in the Vicolo de' Leutari, near the Cancellaria; a posi. tion corresponding exactly to that of the Janus before the basilica of Pompey's theatre, to which Augustus transferred the statue alter the curia was cither burnt or taken down. 6 Part of the Pompeian shade, the portico, existed in the beginning of the X Vth century, and the atrium was still called Satrum. So says Blondus. At all events, so imposing is the stern majesty of the statue, and so memorable is the story, that the play of the imagination leaves no room for the ex. ercise of the judgment, and the fiction, if a fiction it is, operates on the spectator with an effect not less powerful than truth.

And thou, the thunder-stricken nurse of Rome !"

Stanza Lxxxviii. Ancient Rome, like modern Sienna, abounded most probably with images of the foster-mother of her founder ; but there were two she-wolves of whom history makes particular mention. One of these, of brass in ancient work, was seen by Dionysius? at the temple of Romulus, under the Palatine, and is universally believed to be that mentioned by the Latin historian, as having been made from the money collected by a fine on usurers, and as standing under the Ruminal figtree. The other was that which Ciccro 9 has celebrated both in prose and rerse, and which the historian Dion also records as having suffered the same accident as is alluded to by the orator. 10 The question agitated by the antiquaries is,

No. XXIV. -- STATUE OF Pompey.

And thor, dread statue! still eristent in The austerest form of naked majesty.

Stanza lxxxvii.

The projected division of the Spada Pompey has already been recorded by the historian of the Decline and Fall of the

1 Alout the middle of the twelfth century the coins of Mantua bore on one side the image and figure of Virxil. Zecca d' Italia, pl, xvii. i. 6. Vovage dans le Milanais, &c. par A. Z. Millin, toin. ii. pag. 291. l'aris, 1517.

2 Storia delle Arti, &c. lib. ix. cap. 1. pag. 321,322. tom. ti.
3 Cicet. Epist. ad Atticum, i..
4 l'utished by Cau eux, in his Museum Romanum.
5 Storia delle Arti, akc.lix.c.i.

5 Sueton. in vit. usust. cap. 31. and in vit. C. J. Cæsar. cap. SS. Ap. pian 5* it was burnt down.

Antiq. Rom. lib. i. % Lir. llist. lib. 3. cap. lxix.

9" Tum statua Vatte, tum simulacra Deorum, Romulusque et Remus cum altrice bellua vi fulminis ictis conciderunt." D. Divinat. t. 20. "Tactus estille etíanı qui hanc urbem condidit Romulus, quem inaur tum in Capi. tolio arrum atque lactantem, uberibus lupuinis diantem fuisse memin. tisus." In Catilin. 111. S.

"Hic silvestris erat Romini nominis atris

Martia, que parvos Mirrotti sonine nitos
L'Arbus kailis Titi Tore risent
Que tum cum pueristlanunato tuiminis ict
Ouncidit, atque ela pedum vestigia buat.

De tonyulutu, lib. 11. tbl. de Denal, cap. li.) 10 Dion. Hist. lib. IIXV. p. 37. edit. Reb. Steph. 1318.

whether the wolf now in the Conservator's Palace is that of been one of the images which Orosius 10 says was throna Livy and Dionysius, or that of Cicero, or whether it is neither down in the Forum by lightning when Alaric took the city. one nor the other. The earlier writers differ as much as the That it is of very high antiquity the workmanship is a des moderns : Lucius Faunus ' says, that it is the one alluded to cisive prouf ; and that circumstance induced Winkelmann to by both, which is impossible, and also by Virgil, which may believe it the wolf of Dionysius. The Capitoline wok, bos. be. Fulvius Ursinus a calls it the wolf of Dionysius, and ever, may have been of the same early date as that the Marlianus 3 talks of it as the one mentioned by Cicero. To temple of Romulus. Lactantius 11 asserts that in his time him Rycquius tremblingly assents. * Nardini is inclined to the Romans worshipped a wolf; and it is known that the suppose it may be one of the many wolves preserved in an. Lupercalia held out to a rery late period 1? after every other cient Rome; but of the two rather bends to the Ciceronian observance of the ancient superstition bad totally expired. statue. S Montfaucon mentions it as a point without doubt. This may account for the preservation of the ancient image or the latter writers the decisive Winkelmannproclaims it longer than the other early symbols of Paganism. as having been found at the church of Saint Theodore, where, It may be permitted, however, to remark, that the solf vus or near where, was the temple of Romulus, and consequently a Roman symbol, but that the worship of that symbol is a makes it the wolf of Dionysius. His authority is Lucius inference drawn by the zeal of Lactantius. The early Chris Faunus, who, however, only says that it was placed, not tian writers are not to be trusted in the charges which they found, at the Ficus Ruminalis, by the Comitium, by which make against the Pagans. Eusebius accused the Romans to he does not seem to allude to the church of Saint Thendore.

their faces of worshipping Simon Magus, and raising a statue Rycquius was the first to make the mistake, and Winkelmann to him in the island of the Tyber. The Romans had profollowed Rycquius.

Cably never heard of such a person before, who came, boxFlaminius Vacca tells quite a different story, and says he ever, to play a considerable, though scandalous part in the had heard the wolf with the twins was found near the arch church history, and has left several tokens of his aerial of Septimus Severus. The commentator on Winkelmann is

combat with St. Peter at Rome ; notwithstanding that an of the same opinion with that learned person, and is incensed inscription found in this very island of the Tyber showed at Nardini for not having remarked that Cicero, in speaking the Simon Magus of Eusebius to be a certain indigenal god of the wolf struck with lightning in the Capitol, makes use of called Semo Sangus or Fidius. 13 the past tense. But, with the Abate's leave, Xardini does Even when the worship of the founder of Rome had been !" not positively assert the statue to be that mentioned by Ci. abandoned, it was thought expedient to humour the badits cero, and, if he had, the assumption would not perhaps have of the good matrons of the city, by sending them with their been so exceedingly indiscreet. The Abate himself is obliged sick infants to the church of Saint Theodore, as they had to own that there are marks very like the scathing of lightning before carried them to the temple of Romulus. * The prac. in the hinder legs of the present wolf; and to get rid of this tice is continued to this day; and the site of the abore church adds, that the wolf seen by Dionysius might have been also seems to be thereby identified with that of the temple; so struck by lightning or otherwise injured.

that if the wolf had been really found there, as Winkelmann Let us examine the subject by a reference to the words of says, there would be no doubt of the present statue being Cicero. The orator in two places seems to particularise the that seen by Dionysius. But Faunus, in saying that it was Romulus and the Remus, especially the first, which his au- at the Ficus Ruminalis by the Comitium, is only talking of its dience remembered to have been in the Capitol, as being ancient position as recorded by Pliny; and even if he had struck with lightning. In his verscs he records that the been remarking where it was found, would not have alluded twins and wolf both fell, and that the latter left behind the to the church of St. Theodore, but to a very different place, marks of her feet. Cicero does not say that the wolf was near which it was then thought the Ficus Ruminalis bad consumed : and Dion only mentions that it fell down, without been, and also the Comitium ; that is, the three columns by alluding, as the Abate has made him, to the force of the blow, the church of Santa Maria Liberatrice, at the corner of the or the firmness with which it had been fixed. The whole

Palatine looking on the Forum. strength, therefore, of the Abate's argument hangs upon the It is, in fact, a mere conjecture where the image was sepast tense ; which, however, may be somewhat diminished by tually dug up; and, perhaps, on the whole, the marks of the remarking that the phrase only shows that the statue was not gilding, and of the lightning, are a better argument in favour then standing in its former position. Winkelmann has ob- of its being the Ciceronian wolf than any that can be adduced served that the present twins are modern ; and it is equally for the contrary opinion. At any rate, it is reasonably seclear that there are marks of gilding on the wolf, which might lected in the text of the poem as one of the most interesting therefore be supposed to make a part of the ancient group. relics of the ancient city is, and is certainly the figure, it not It is known that the sacred images of the Capitol were not the very animal, to which Virgil alludes in his beautiful Jestroyed when injured by time or accident, but were put ii.to certain under-ground depositories, called favissa. It

" Geminos huic ubera circum may be thought possible that the wolf had been so deposited,

Ludere pendentes pueros, et lambere matrem and had been replaced in some conspicuous situation when

Impavidos : illam tereti cervice reflexam the Capitol was rcbuilt by Vespasian. Rycquius, without

Mulcere alternos, et corpora fingere lingua." 16 mentioning his authority, tells that it was transferred from the Comitium to the Lateran, and thence brought to the Capitol. If it was found near the arch of Severus, it may have


I Luc. Fauni de Antiq. Urb. Rom. lib. ii. cap. vii. ap. Sallengre, tom. i. p. 217.

ipsum fuisset, cujus figuram gerit." Lactant. de Falsa Religione,
cap. II. pag. 101. edit. rarior. 1600; that is to say, be would rather adore
a wolf than a prostitute. His commentator has observed that the opinion €
Liry concerning laurentia being tigured in this wolf was not an serual
Strabo thought so. Rrequius is wrong in saying that Lactantius mentions
the wolf was in the Capitol.

In his seventeenth chapter he repeats, that the statues were there, but not that they were found there.

2 Ap. Vardini, Roma Vetus, l. 7. c. iv.

3 Marliani Urb. Rom. Topograph. lib. ii. cap. is. He mentions another wolf and twins in the Vatican, lib. 5. cap. ru.

4 Just. Rrequii. de Capit. Roman. Comm. cap. xiv. pag. 250. edit. Lugd. Bat. 1696.

5 Nardini, Roma Vetus, lib. v. cap. 1v.

6 " Lupa hodieque in capitolinis prostat ædibus, cum restigio fulminis quo ictam narrat Cicero." Diarium Italic. tom. I. p. 171.

7 Storia delle Arti, &c. lib. iij. cap. iii. s. u. note 10. Winklemann has made a strange blunder in the note, by saying the Ciceronian wolf was not in the Capitol, and that Dion was wrong in saying so.

8 Flam. Vacca, Menorie, num. iii. pag. i. ap. Montfaucon, Diar. Ital. tom. i.

9 Luc. Faun. ibid.
10 See note to stanza LIII. in "Historical Illustrations."
11 "Romuli nutris Lupa honoribus est affecta divinis, et ferrem, si animal

12 TO A. D. 496. “ Quis credere possit," says Baronius (Ann. Eccles tom. riii. p. 602. in an. 1946)," viguisse adhuc Romæ ad Gelasa ter pora, que fuere ante exordia urbis allata in Italiam Lupercalia * beses wrote a letter which occupes four folio pages to Andromachas the senator, and others, to show that thorite should be given up.

13 Eccles. Hist. lib. il. cap. xiii. p 40. Justin Martyr had told the story before ; but Baronius hiinseif was obliged to detect this fable. Sre Jardins Roma Vet. lib. vii. cap. iii.

14 Rione xii. Ripa, accurata e succincta Descrizione, &c. di Roma No derna, dell' Ab. Ridoit. Venuti, 1766.

15 Donatus, lib. i. cap. 18. gires a medal representing on one side the wolf in the same position as that in the Capital; and in the resine the wolf with the head not reverted. It is of the time of Antoninus Pius

16 Æn. riit. 631. See Dr. Middleton, in his Letter from Romne, who in. clines to the Ciceronian wolf, but without examining the subject.

No. XXVI. - JULIUS Cæsar.

" For the Roman's mind Was modell d in a less terrestrial mould.” – Stanza xc. It is possible to be a very cat man and to be still very inferior to Julius Cæsar, the most complete character, so Lord Bacon thought, of all antiquity. Nature seems incapable of such extraordinary combinations as composed his versatile ca. pacity, which was the wonder eren of the Romans themselves. The first general - the only triumphant politician – inferior to none in eloquence - comparable to any in the attainments of wisdom, in an age made up of the greatest commanders, statesmen, orators, and philosophers that ever appenred in the world - an author who composed a perfect specimen of military annals in his travelling carriage -- at one time in a controversy with Cato, at another writing a treatise on pun. ning, and collecting a set of good sayings — fighting and making love at the same moment, and willing to abandon both his empire and his mistress for a sight of the Fountains of the Nile. Such did Julius Cæsar appear to his contemporaries and to those of the subsequent ages who were the most inclined to deplore and execrate his fatal genius.

But we must not be so much dazzled with his surpassing glory, or with his magnanimous, his amiable qualities, as to forget the decision of his impartial countrymen :


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then makes it recede to its old site with the shrinking city. * The tufo, or pumice, which the poet prefers to marble, is the substance composing the bank in which the grotto is sunk.

The modern topographers s find in the grotto the statue of the nymph, and nine niches for the Muses ; and a late traveller 6 has discovered that the cave is restored to that simplicity which the poet regretted had been exchanged for injudicious ornament. But the headless statuc is palpably rather a male than a nymph, and has none of the attributes ascribed to it at present visible. The nine Muses could hardly have stood in six niches; and Juvenal certainly does not allude to any individual cave.' Nothing can be collected from the satirist but that somewhere near the Porta Capena was a spot in which it was supposed Numa held nightly consultations with his nymph, and where there was a grove and a sacred fountain, and fanes once consecrated to the Muses ; and that from this spot there was a descent into the valley of Egeria, where were several artificial caves. It is clear that the statues of the Muses made no part of the decoration which the satirist thought misplaced in these caves; for he expressly assigns other fancs (delabra) to these divinities above the valley, and moreover tells us that they had been ejected to make room for the Jews. In fact, the little temple, now called that of Bacchus, was formerly thought to belong to the Muses, and Nardini® places them in a poplar grove, which was in his time above the valley.

It is probable, from the inscription and position, that the cave now shown may be one of the “ artificial caverns," of which, indeed, there is another a little way higher up the valley, under a tuft of alder bushes: but a single grotto of Egeria is a mere modern invention, grafted upon the appli. cation of the epithet Egerian to these nymphea in general, and which might send us to look for the haunts of Numa upon the banks of the Thames.

Our English Juvenal was not seduced into mistranslation by his acquaintance with Pope : he carefully preserves the correct plural

“ Thence slowly winding down the vale, we view

The Egerian grots : oh, how unlike the true !" The valley abounds with springs, and over these springs, which the Muses might haunt from their neighbouring groves, Egeria presided : bence she was said to supply them with water ; and she was the nymph of the grottos through which the fountains were taught to flow.

The whole of the monuments in the vicinity of the Egerian valley have received names at will, which have been changed at will. Venuti 10 owns he can see no traces of the temples of Jove, Saturn, Juno, Venus, and Diana, which Nardini found, or hoped to find. The mutatorium of Caracalla's circus, the temple of Honour and Virtue, the temple of Bacchus, and, above all, the temple of the god Rediculus, are the antiquaries' despair.

The circus of Caracalla depends on a medal of that em. peror cited by Fulvius Ursinus, of which the reverse shows a circus, supposed, however, by some to represent the Circus Maximus. It gives a very good idea of that place of exercise. The soil has been but little raised, if we may judge from the small cellular structure at the end of the Spina, which was probably the chapel of the god Consus. This cell is half beneath the soil, as it must have been in the circus itself; for Dionysius ll could not be persuaded to believe that this divinity was the Roman Neptune, because his altar was under ground.

" Egeria! sweet creation of some heart

Which found no mortal resting-place so fair

As thine ideal breast.. - Stanza cxy. The respectable authority of Flaminius Vacca would incline us to believe in the claims of the Egerian grotto. He assures us that he saw an inscription in the pavement, stating that the fountain was that of Egeria, dedicated to the nymphs. The inscription is not there at this day; but Montfaucon quotes two lines of Ovid 3 from a stone in the Villa Giustiniani, which he seems to think had been brought from the same grotto.

This grotto and vailey were formerly frequented in summer, and particularly the first Sunday in May, by the modern Romans, who attached a salubrious quality to the fountain which trickles from an orifice at the bottom of the vault, and, overflowing the little pools, creeps down the matted grass into the brook below. The brook is the Ovidian Almo, whose name and qualities are lost in the modern Aquataccio. The valley itself is called Valle di Caffarelli, from the dukes of that name who made over their fountain to the Pallavicini, with sixty rubbia uf adjoining land.

There can be little doubt that this long dell is the Egerian valley of Juvenal, and the pausing place of Umbritius, notwithstanding the generality of his commentators have supposed the descent of the satirist and his friend to have been into the Arician grove, where the nymph inet Hippolitus, and where she was more peculiarly worshipped.

The step from the Porta Capena to the Alban hill, fifteen miles distant, would be too considerable, unless we were to believe in the wild conjecture of Vossius, who makes that gate travel from its present station, where he pretends it was during the reign of the Kings, as far as the Arician grove, and

1 " Jure crsus eristimetur," says Suetonius, after a fair estimate of his character, and making use of a phrase which was a forinula in Liry's time. "Meliuin jure presum pronuntiavit, etiain si reuni crimine insons fuerit :" (lib. iv. cap. 48.) and which was continued in the legal judgments pronounced in justinable homicides, such as killing housebreakers. See Sueton. in Vit. C. J. Caesar, with the commentary of Pitiscus, p. 184.

2 Memorie, &c. ap. Vardini, pag. 13. He does not give the inscription.

3" In villa Justiniina extat ingens lapis quadratus solidus, in quo sculpta hæc duo Ovidii carmina sunt:

Lueria est qure prrebet aquas dea Tata Camanis

Illa Nume conjuni consiliumque.' Qui lapis videtur eodem Egerie fonte, aut ejus vicinia isthuc compartatus." Ciarium Italic. p. 133.

4 De Magnit. Vet. Rom. ap. Græv. Ant. Rom. tom. iv. p. 1507.

3 Echinard, Descrizione di Roma e dell' Agro Romano, corretto dall' Abate Venuu, in koma, 1700. They believe in the glotto and nyinph. “Simulacro di questo foute, essendori sculpite le acque a pie di esso."

6 Classical Tour, chap. vi. p. 211. vol. 1
7 Sat. III.
8 Lib. iii. cap. lii.
9" Urdique e solo aquae scatununt." Nardini, lib. ui. cap. iii.
10 Echinard, &c. Cic. cit. p. 297, 298.
11 Antiq. Rom. lib. i. cap. 111..


Great Nemesis ! Here, where the ancient paid thee homage long."

Stanza cxxxii. We read in Suetonius, that Augustus, from a warning received in a dream ', counterfeited, once a year, the beggar sitting before the gate of his palace with his hand hollowed and stretched out for charity. A statue formerly in the villa Borghese, and which should be now at Paris, represents the Emperor in that posture of supplication. The object of this sell-degradation was the appeasement of Nemesis, the perpetual attendant on good fortune, of whose power the Roman conquerors were also reminded by certain symbols attached to their cars of triumph. The symbols were the whip and the crotalo, which were discovered in the Nemesis of the Vatican. The attitude of beggary made the above statue pass for that of Belisarius : and until the criticism of Winkelmann ? had rectified the mistake, one Giction was called in to support another. It was the same fear of the sudden termination of prosperity that made Amasis king of Egypt warn his friend Polycrates of Samos, that the gods loved those whose lives were chequered with good and evil fortunes. Nemesis was supposed to lie in wait particularly for the prudent ; that is, for those whose caution rendered them accessible only to mere accidents : and her first altar was raised on the banks of the Phrygian #sepus by Adrastus, probably the prince of that name who killed the son of Cræsus by mistake. Hence the goddess was called Adrastea.3

The Roman Nemesis was sacred and august: there was a temple to her in the Palatine under the name of Rhamnusia : so great, indeed, was the propensity of the ancients to trust to the revolution of events, and to believe in the divinity of Fortune, that in the same Palatine there was a temple to the Fortune of the day. This is the last superstition which retains its hold over the human heart ; and, from concentrating in one object the credulity so natural to man, has always appeared strongest in those unembarrassed by other articles of belief. The antiquaries have supposed this goddess to be synonymous with Fortune and with Fate : but it was in her vindictive quality that she was worshipped under the name of Nemesis.

his triumph, and the other on a pretext of a rebellion.' No war, say Lipsius®, was ever so destructive to the human race as these sports. In spite of the laws of Constantine and Constans, gladiatorial shows survived the old established religion more than seventy years; but they owed their final extinction to the courage of a Christian. In the year 404. on the kalends of January, they were exhibiting the shows in the Flavian amphitheatre before the usual immense concourse of people. Almachius, or Telemachus, an eastern monk, who had travelled to Rome intent on his holy purpose, rushed into the midst of the area, and endeavoured to sepa. rate the combatants. The prætor Alypius, a person incredibly attached to these games, gave instant orders to the gladiators to slay him ; and Telemachus gained the crown of martyrdom, and the title of saint, which surely has never either before or since been awarded for a more noble exploit. Honorius immediately abolished the shows, which were never afterwards revived. The story is told by Theodoret i and Cassiodorusli, and seems worthy of credit, not withstanding its place in the Roman martyrology. 12 Besides the torrents of blood which dowed at the funerals, in the amphitheatres, the circus, the forums, and other public places, gladiators were introduced at feasts, and tore each other to pieces amidst the supper tables, to the great delight and applause of the guests. Yet Lipsius permits himself to suppose the loss of courage, and the evident degeneracy of mankind, to be nearly connected with the abolition of these bloody spectacles.


He, their sire, Butcher'd to make a Roman holiday.". - Stanza cxli. Gladiators were of two kinds, compelled and voluntary : and were supplied from several conditions ; - from slaves sold for that purpose; from culprits; from barbarian captives either taken in war, and, after being led in triumph, set apart for the games, or those seized and condemned as rebels; also from free citizens, some fighting for hire (auctorali), others from a depraved ambition ; at last even knights and senators were exhibited, - a disgrace of which the first tyrant was naturally the first inventor. 5 In the end, dwarfs, and even women, fought; an enormity prohibited by Severus. of these the most to be pitied undoubtedly were the barbarian captives ; and to this species a Christian writer justly applies the epithet " innocent," to distinguish them from the professional gladiators. Aurelian and Claudius supplied great numbers of these unfortunate victims; the one after

No. Xxx. Here, where the Roman million's blame or praise

Was death or life, the playthings of a crowd."-Stanza cxlii.

When one gladiator wounded another, he shouted," he has it," " hoc habet," or " habet." The wounded combatant dropped his weapon, and, advancing to the edge of the arena, supplicated the spectators. If he had fought well, the people saved him; if otherwise, or as they happened to be inclined, they turned down their thumbs, and he was slain. They were occasionally so savage, that they were impatient is a combat lasted longer than ordinary without wounds or death. The emperor's presence generally saved the vanquished; and it is recorded as an instance of Caracalla's fel ocity, that he sent those who supplicated him for life, in a spectacle, at Nicomedia, to ask the people ; in other words, handed them over to be slain. A similar ceremony is observed at the Spanish bull-fights. The magistrate presides ; and after the horsemen and piccadores have fought the bull, the matadore steps forward and bows to him for permission to kill the animal. If the bull has done his duty by killing two or three horses, or a man, which last is rare, the people interfere with shouts, the ladies wave their handkerchiefs, and the animal is saved. The wounds and death of the horses are acon. panied with the loudest acclamations, and many gestures of delight, especially from the female portion of the audience including those of the gentlest blood. Every thing depends on habit. The author of Childe Harold, the writer of this note, and one or two other Englishmen, who have certainly in other days borne the sight of a pitched baule, were, during the summer of 1809, in the governor's box at the great amphi. theatre of Santa Maria, opposite to Cadiz. The death of one or two horses completely satisfied their curiosity. A gertian present, observing them shudder and look pale, zouad tu unusual reception of so delightful a sport to esme yaung

5 Julius Caesar, who rose by the fall of the aristocracy, brouss Fortes Leptinus and A. Calenus upon the arena.

6 Tertullian," certe quidem et innocentes gladiatores toledan et voluptatis publicæ hostiæ fiant." Just Lips. Saturn. Sex S.

cap. iii.

1 Sueton. in Vit. Augusti, cap. 91.
2 Storia delle arti, &c. lib. xii. cap. iii. tom. ii. p. 422.
3 Dict. de Bayle, article Adrastea.
4 Fortunæ hujusce diet. Cicero mentions her, de Legib. lib. ij


V. C. 1.EAT.
TEG. X111. O.

See Questiones Romanæ, &c. ap. Grav. Antiq. Roman. tom. v. p. 912.
See also Muraturi, Vor. Thenur. Inscrip. Vet. tom. i. p. 58, 59., where
there are three Latin and one Greek inscription to Nemesis, and others to

7 Vopiscus, in rit. Aurel. and in vit. Claud. ibid. 8 Just. Lips. ibid. lib. I. cap. xii.

9 Augustinus (lib. vi. confess. cap. viii.) " Alypium suum ladiatas spectaculi inhiatu incrustaller abreptum,“ scribit. ib. lib. 1. cap. z

10 Hist. Eccles. cap. xvi. lib. .
11 Cassiod. Tripartita, l. 1. c. u. Saturn. ib. ib.

12 Baronius, ad ann. et in notis ad Martyrol. Rom. I. Jon. See rangon delle memorie sacre e profane dell' Anfiteatro Flavio, A :S. 1710.

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