maternal anticipations,' there is a happy allusion to the dream which Dante's mother had of the greatness of her unborn son, and to the mournful parting between Tasso and his mother, on his being called to Rome by his father for the purpose of education. The penitent apostrophe to his illustrious mother, made by Gustavus III., in his last moments, is next introduced; and then the following beautiful historic allusion.

'So, when the deeds of Essex dared the law,
Nor e'en that royal pledge could mercy draw,
In the lone cell, his mother's hymns of love
O'er memory came, like music from above.

Then, those pure counsels, which had long been hushed,
While fortune flattered, and ambition flushed,

Rose unsubdued by time, and breathed their balm
In that last conflict, to support and calm.
Time's heavy wave had o'er his bosom rolled,

But left in memory's sands those grains of gold.'

Among the other historic anecdotes, the Roman Mother is not forgotten. After the Campanian dame' had displayed her costly treasures, she in return

begged to see

Cornelia's precious store of jewellery.

Just then her children from their school arrive,
Adorned with all the charms that youth can give ;
Bounding, they seek that tender mother's care,
Health on their cheeks, and freedom in their air.
Exulting tenderness reveals her joys;

And, leading in each hand her youthful boys,
"Behold!" she says, "my hoarded, choicest store:
These are my jewels, and I ask no more."

Imperial Rome! when thy proud eagle flew
O'er half the world, and claimed its tribute due-
Grasping the bolted thunder as it rose,

To hurl destruction on its hapless foes;

When thou wast mightiest, and stood'st forth alone,
In beauty, art, and arms, no rival known;
Thy breath the breath of eloquence, thine eye
The soul's bright awful electricity,

Whose ray consumed, ere the hot bolt of war
Shot its red vengeance from the flaming car:
Proportion's finest mould, thy noble form-
Thy arm a haven, and thy wrath a storm:
When from thy hills the great, the mighty came,
And nations felt a magic in thy name:-
Then were thy sons to matron skill consigned,
And love maternal formed the youthful mind.
This--this alone!- bade patriotism warm,
And glory captivate, and honour charm,

VOL. VIII.-N.S.

H H

Inspired their breasts with love of liberty,
Taught them their noble birthright-to be free.
What were the Roman masks or shows to her?
What the Pantheon's charm, the city's stir?
The proud cabals of party, or the gay
And festive scenes on Roman holiday?
See! by the Appian way, where valour sleeps,
And patriot pride the fond memorial keeps,
She wanders, with her youthful sons, to read
High names, enrolled for many a valiant deed.
The infant eye (within whose tender light
Played sportive thought) emits a ray more bright,
And kindling hopes, and brilliant visions glow,
Shading with their deep thought the brow of snow.
She gives the glittering bulla its fond charm
Of sacred power to shelter him from harm;
And when the toga's folds his form invest,
And manhood's hopes swell ardent in his breast,
Then she is near, those breathings to inspire,
And rule or quell ambition's rising fire.
'Such was the Roman mother! So with flowers
She hung life's vestibule, and gave the powers
Of his young mind their energy and scope-
Rome, and her grandeur, bounding every hope.
But higher thoughts inspire the Christian's breast,
With immortality's bright prospect blest;
She asks no splendours to adorn his way
That mock his grasp, and glitter to betray.
The hopes she wakens mingle with the sky,
And light with heavenly ray his destiny;
Like the bright clouds that float on summer even,
Gilding the scenes of earth with tints of heaven,
Her voice his early orison shall teach,
And wake devotion with the lisp of speech;
That dawn is her's,—so transient and so fair
Ere the rude world may claim admission there,—
It is her own, and all that she may claim;
Yet shall it bear through life her sacred aim;
Heaven has itself conferred upon that love
A spell, a talisman, all power above.

With his young morning visions bright and fair
Her memʼry stands, and nothing shall impair
Its sacred influence: life's mists may rise,

But cannot dim those tender sympathies.' pp. 79-83.

These specimens will sufficiently shew the general tenor and spirit of these 'Sketches'; and they will, better than any formal recommendation of ours, speak for the Author to the hearts of our readers. As we have spoken somewhat slightingly of the minor pieces, we must in justice give the following elegant

stanzas.

'TO A BROTHER.

'Be great !-be great to all beside,
But spare thy lonely thoughts for me,
Who would each lesser care divide,

That flings its dark'ning shade o'er thee.
"Yes-hide thyself from others' ken,
And wear the smile that worldlings wear,
But, O! unmask thyself again,
When I thy lonely moments share.
For it were happiness to know

Thou hadst no cold disguise for me,
Whose heart, amidst thy joy and woe,
Beats with the tenderest sympathy.

'Nay-I would rather others share

Thy festive scenes, thy brightest hours,
If o'er thy brow, when pressed by care,
My hand might wreathe affection's flowers.'

p. 162, 3.

Art. VIII. Parliamentary Reform Act, 2 Will. IV., c. 45, with Notes, containing a complete Digest of Election Law, as altered by that Statute; and with Analytical Tables and a Copious Index. By Francis Newman Rogers, Esq., of the Inner Temple, Barrister at Law. 12mo. pp. 147. London. 1832.

WHAT have we gained by the passing of the Reform Bill ? This question, most of our readers, we suppose, have heard reiterated, by some persons in the spirit of anxious inquiry, by others, in the tone of taunt and sarcasm. The best answer that can at present be returned is-Time will shew. Much, very much, however, will depend upon the conscientious firmness and alertness, as well as intelligence, with which the enfranchised portion of the middle classes of this country avail themselves of the important privilege and trust which this great measure of reform has put into their hands.

It is not to be denied, that immediate self-interest, self-interest of a tangible and sordid kind, is a much more powerful stimulant to action, than a regard to those wider and more generous interests, which are our own in common with the rest of our fellowcitizens. Party-spirit and venality are far more busy principles than prudence and patriotism. They never sleep-at least by night, being most busy when good folks are in their dormitories. And they are not only ever-active, but their operations, unlike the slow deliberations of their worthy opponents, are characterized with the directness and sagacity of instinct. Limited in its range, but true to its proximate end, correct in its short and

simple calculations, self-interest flies at once to its point; constructs its schemes with precision; when foiled or baffled, renews its exertions with unabated diligence and pertinacity; and in short, as the spider is more than a match for a lazy housewife, as the thief is often more on his guard than the watchman, as the Tory is more a man of business than a Whig,-so, in the contest between good and bad principles, moral or political, we continually find, that the latter are, though weaker, the more active, and that they always overcome, the moment the strife between them is suspended.

This is the best apology-perhaps, it will be deemed a somewhat elaborate one-that we have been able to frame, for the supineness of the better-principled portion of the community at seasons of critical importance, when the enemy is insidiously busy. We very much fear that this will prove to have been the case, to a great extent, in reference to the public duty which has devolved upon every depository of the elective franchise. The Tories have been long in the field,-registering every vote they could detect in the rural districts subject to their influence, and securing before-hand, so far as possible, all the strength of numbers that corruption, or intimidation, or stratagem, may command. Already, in anticipation of the coming election, money, to a large amount, is being employed in buying up the new constituency of the counties. By bribery and corruption, their old and favourite tactics, the conservatives, the self-conservators, are seeking to nullify the reform in the system of representation. Marquises have already subscribed their thousands, and dowager-countesses their five thousands; and, from the lawyer-agent down to the meanest retainer, the whole force of the Tory faction is in requisition and active operation. We are afraid, that there has been no corresponding promptitude and organized activity on the side of the friends of Reform. Thanks to the energy of the Anti-Slavery Agency Committee, in some quarters, effectual measures have been adopted to secure the return of men whose sentiments on that one grand point of national policy-the toleration of colonial slavery-will be a pledge, in most cases, of their enlightened and liberal views upon every other. Much, very much the country will owe, in this respect, to this association. But were the immense importance of returning to the next parliament, patriotic and high-principled men, who will deserve and command the confidence of the country, and justify the reform bill in its working and results, duly estimated, every religious man who has a vote, or who can by his influence direct one, would lose not a moment in fulfilling his immediate duty.

The exercise of the elective franchise in this country, during the long reign of corruption, has, in many places, ceased to be regarded as either a valuable privilege or an individual duty. A

peaceable and indolent acquiescence in established abuses, or an indignant disgust at the shameless system of dictation and bribery, has led numbers to stand altogether aloof from the contests of partizans and candidates. The same effect has resulted, in America, from a different cause,-the unlimited extension of the right of suffrage. Persons of education, talent, and good intention in the United States, may be heard to remark with complacency, ' that they do not go to the polls once in three years * The consequences of this negligent discharge of their duty as citizens of the Republic, which assuredly indicates a want, not merely of mere public spirit, but of public virtue, is justly regarded by the American patriots as most dangerous to the vital interests of the State. If the elective franchise were properly viewed, not as a personal right, but as a social trust, the non-use of that franchise would be seen to involve, not the mere abeyance of a claim, but an unfaithful discharge of a responsibility. On all political divisions, every Athenian citizen was required to take either one side or the other; and without a general observation of this principle, it has been confessed by an American writer, the forms of * popular government are impracticable'.

It is a serious mistake to suppose, that religious men are, as such, discharged from any civil duties; or that spirituality of mind, mortification of the passions, separation from the world, consists in a withdrawment from the scenes of active life. The difference between the spiritual man and the worldly man, who, as members of society, have so many interests in common, lies not so much in their actions, as in the motives of their acts. Change the motive, and the very nature of the act is changed; the meanest service is ennobled, secular business becomes a part of religious conduct; and the altar sanctifies the commonest gift. The divorce of political and civil duties and the highest style of Christianity, is an error against which, we venture to suggest, the ministers of religion are bound to warn their flocks. Let every pious elector vote conscientiously, and his act will be as religious as his motive.

The Reform-bill which has now become the Election-law of the land, it has been justly remarked, is but a means to an end. That end is the enlightened revision of the whole system of our domestic and colonial policy. Reforms of an extensive character, it is universally felt, can be no longer postponed with safety. Questions of vital interest must come under the consideration of the next Parliament, of whomsoever it shall be composed. Upon every such question, the sentiments of those who opposed the Reform-bill are well-known: they are the consistent, united, de

* See Eclectic Review, Jan. 1832, p. 34.