Major Joseph Kirkland, literary editor of the Chicago Tribune, has achieved success in his three stories "Zury," "Phil," and "The Captain of Company K." At present, he is engaged upon an historical work, "The Story of Chicago," to appear in 1891.

Mrs. Mary Hartwell Catherwood has struck a popular chord in her novels, "The Romance of Dollard," the "Story of Tonty," and the "Lady of Fort St. Johns," illustrating the romantic period of the old French regime in a style singularly picturesque and graceful.

Among other authors, aside from those who have distinguished themselves as writers upon subjects connected with their professions of the law, medicine, and theology, whose works either already have achieved or are destined to acquire a reputation not ephemeral in its character, may be named the following: David Swing, Carter H. Harrison, William H. Bushnell, Wm. Henry Smith, Van Buren Denslow, John J. Lalor, Chas. H. Ham, William S. B. Matthews, Opie P. Reed, John McGovern, Eugene A. Hall, Elwyn A. Barron, Stanley Waterloo, Fred. H. Hall, Harry B. Smith, W. D. Eaton, George M. McConnel, Col. Frederick C. Pierce, John F. Finerty, Mrs. Hattie Tyng Griswold, Gen. John Basil Turchin, Howard L. Conard, Henry G. Cutler, Mrs. Celia P. Woolley, Frances E. Willard, Mrs. Elizabeth Reed, Alice B. Stockham, Mrs. Caroline F. Corbin, Mrs. Margaret F. Sullivan, Mary Allen West, Ida Scott Taylor, Elizabeth S. Kirkland, Helen E. Starrett, and Frank Gilbert.

CHAPTER XLIX.

The Executive, Legislative, and Judicial Departments— Politics and Politicians-Party Management-Election Statistics.

WITH one exception, the record of the executive administrations of the state government of Illinois has been of a character alike satisfactory to the people and creditable to the occupants of the gubernatorial chair.

In the early days, when the first constitution proved adequate to the needs of a primitive people, candidates for official honors were selected on the score of availability, rather than because of intellectual qualifications or broad influence. Among the governors of those days, only Edwards and Reynolds made any pretensions to oratory Since 1856, however, nominees for this office have been chosen from among the leading-although not always the most distinguished-members of the respective political parties. Of the fifteen chief executives chosen by the people, ten have been lawyers, four farmers, and one a business None of them have been native Illinoisans, although Governors Reynolds and Ford, while born in Pennsylvania, came to this State in their early years. Matteson and Bissell first saw the light in New York. Of the rest, ten were natives of Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky, while one, French, traced his descent from New England's sturdy stock. All of them had been members of the legislature except Coles and Ford; Edwards having served in the general assembly of Kentucky. Nine have been members of congress. No scandal, impugning his personal integrity, has ever been attached to any governor of Illinois save Matteson. None of them, unless Matteson may have been an exception, ever made any money out of the office, having generally in fact left it poorer than when they entered upon its duties.

Under the first constitution, the duties of the office were light and easily performed; but they have gradually become more onerous as well as important with the growth of the State

THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT.

955 and the increase in the number of state-institutions and departmental bureaus, until at present they tax to the utmost the time, the ability, and the industry of the incumbent. The powers committed to the executive of passing upon all the laws enacted by the legislature, of taking "care that the laws be faithfully executed," of calling special sessions, of appointments to and removals from office, are large, and demand at times the exercise of the highest order of legal and executive talent.

Four of those elected to the office of lieutenant-governor have, in consequence of the resignation or death of the governor, succeeded to that position, namely: William L. D. Ewing, John Wood, John L. Beveridge, and John M. Hamilton.

The other offices of state, constituting the executive department, have generally been filled by men of high character and distinguished administrative ability, nearly all of whom under the last and present constitution have received a second nomination and election, which they had justly earned.

The offices of secretary of state and auditor, under the first constitution, were considered worthy the ambition of such men as Douglas, Trumbull, and Shields; but in later years they have been given to business men, the greater portion of whom would have been much better off today had they "kept out of politics."

In no other department of the state government have so many changes been effected as in the legislative. Under the first constitution, the general assembly had the selection of all the judges, the state treasurer, auditor, attorney-general, public printer, and prosecuting attorneys. To be a member of a body exercising so much power as this excited the aspirations of the most able and influential citizens in every county. Its sessions were attended by all the leading men of the State as interested on-lookers, or as applicants for positions for themselves, or for their friends, and the state capital became the focus of political interest and power. The national government, with which communication was so seldom and difficult, and the direct effect of whose laws was hardly ever felt by the people of the State, was virtually shut out of public notice by the predominating interest taken in the transactions of the state legislature.

The proceedings were simple and direct, as were the dresses

and habits of the members. Much of the business was determined by action on petitions and resolutions. There were at first only seven committees, namely: those on the judiciary, finance, elec tions, petitions, propositions and grievances, militia, and internal improvements. Bills were introduced on motion for leave, and were sometimes negatived when their titles were made known The change by which the law-making power is virtually controlled by committees has been gradual, yet complete. The rules of the thirty-sixth general assembly provide for fortynine committees for the house and thirty-five for the senate. The appointment of these committees by the speaker, which work was formerly done within three days, now requires as many weeks. The chairmanships of certain committees, such as the judiciary, railroads, corporations, appropriations, insurance, printing, and others, are coveted by reason of the power which these positions confer. All bills introduced are now required to be printed and referred to "the proper committee” for consideration. They are in charge of the chairman, upon whom the duty of calling the committee together for agreeing upon a report devolves. He may hasten or retard its action at his pleasure; and only direct interference of the general body by resolution, the adoption of which may be difficult to secure, can compel action contrary to his own will. Woe be to that bil which falls into the hands of an unfriendly chairman, as an adverse or even delayed report from the committee generally kills it. Inexperienced members frequently become impatient over the failure of a committee to report upon their favorite measure, and are unable to find out what the matter is until they find their bill, though reported upon favorably, so far down on the calendar as to render its passage hopeless. Their eyes are then opened.

A bill in itself unobjectionable is also frequently delayed in committee by the preference given to more favored or important measures, or by its reference to a sub-committee which holds it back. Sometimes, indeed, when, after repeated failures to do so on request, a chairman has at length felt compelled to call his committee together to consider a particular bill, finding there is no other way to compass its defeat, he reports that the bill has been mislaid or lost-thus still practically controlling legislation.