police, and that dictated his approval of the acts of General Sheridan in raising troops by his own authority in this State subjecting Chicago to military rule whereby a peaceable citizen of the State was unlawfully killed." This course of the governor simplified matters for the convention and insured the renomination of Gen. Oglesby for governor without a dissenting voice. Gen. John L. Beveridge carried off the honor of the second place, receiving 390 votes on the first ballot. The other nominees were as follows: secretary of state, George H. Harlow; auditor of public accounts, Charles E. Lippincott, renominated; state treasurer, Edward Rutz; attorney-general, James K. Edsall.

The platform abounded in declarations which "pointed with pride" to what the party had accomplished in the past but was rather chary in making promises as to the future. The relations between national and state sovereignty were defined, and it was stated, in general terms, that the fundamental principles underlying this issue had been previously enunciated and that the attitude of the party in relation thereto had been abundantly justified. It was further resolved, that it was the right and duty of every republican "to condemn every existing abuse in national, state, and municipal governments, and to zealously advocate all needful reforms;" also, "that the republican party is the party of progress and human rights and duties." The platform further advocated a protective tariff; declared against "all unconstitutional legislation for the cure of any of the disorders of society, whether irreligion, intemperance, or any other evil;" endorsed Gen. Grant's administration and instructed the Illinois delegates to vote for his renomination at the coming national convention.*

The national republican convention was held at Philadelphia, * The following were chosen delegates to the national convention: at large, Stephen T. Logan, Emery A. Storrs, Leonard F. Ross, Jasper Partridge; districts, J. Young Scammon, Lewis Ellsworth; Herman Raster, James L. Campbell; Clark W. Upton, William Vocke; J. H. Mayburn, A. B. Coon; John C. Smith, Edward B. Warner; Andrew Crawford, J. W. Templeton; Lyman B. Ray, W. M. Sweetland; W. R. Hickox, N. E. Stevens; Enoch Emery, Edwin Butler; John McKenney, sr., Henry Tubbs; George W. Burns, David Pierson; Shelby M. Cullom, John Moses; William McGalliard, Thomas Snell; Joseph R. Mosser, James Knight; T. A. Apperson, James Steele; H. C. Goodnow, J. F. Alexander; Russell Hinckley, A. W. Metcalf; George Waters, T. H. Burgess; D. W. Lusk, and Israel A. Powell,

PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATIONS.

815

June 5, 1872. Gen. Grant was the unanimous choice of the delegates for renomination for the presidency, but the selection of a candidate for vice-president was a close and spirited contest between Schuyler Colfax, the then incumbent, and Henry Wilson of Massachusetts. It resulted in the success of Wilson by a majority of only a few votes.

The national platform advocated reform in the civil service; favored the extension of amnesty to those lately in rebellion; reëndorsed the recently-ratified amendments to the constitution; called for the abolition of the franking privilege; expressed a confidence that "our excellent national currency" would be perfected by a speedy resumption of specie payments; favored the encouragement of American commerce and shipping; denounced repudiation; opposed further grants of public lands to corporations and monopolies; and following the example set by the State of Illinois in this respect, disapproved of the resort to unconstitutional laws for the purpose of removing evils by interfering with rights not surrendered by the people to either the state or national government.

At a convention of labor reformers held Feb. 22, 1872, David Davis was nominated as their candidate for president. The nominee duly and courteously thanked the body "for the unexpected honor" conferred upon him, but four months later forwarded a formal declinature.

Charles O'Connor of New York, was the candidate of the straight democrats who refused to support Horace Greeley. As the campaign progressed, it became more and more evident that the apprehensions of those republicans who had adhered to the party organization had been groundless. The revolt of so many leaders had awakened no little fear, but it was soon apparent that the latter would not be able to carry their following with them into the democratic camp. A leader of a political revolt, stripped of his adherents, is as powerless for evil as is a major-general in the army who, in a fit of pique, tenders his resignation. In the latter case, the rank and file are not affected, nor is the effective working force of the army interfered with. In the case of the former, the great mass of voters are likely to adhere to their former party affiliations, especially when they can see that the motives which actuate the conduct

of the men whom they have been accustomed to follow are of a nature strictly personal. Under such circumstances as these, it is not easy to loosen the foundations of party fealty. At the same time, there can be no question that the bitter hostility to the candidacy of Gen. Grant was in great part founded in good faith. Many of those who opposed him were as sincere in their criticism of the methods of his administration as they had been unwavering in their fidelity to the country in its hour of sorest need. On the other hand, among the promoters of the secession movement there were many who were technically known, in political parlance, as sore-heads; men who had been disappointed in their aspirations, or had been supplanted by more popular competitors for party favor. The latter class was so numerous as to alienate the republican support which the movement might otherwise have commanded. As for the oldtime, dyed-in-the-wool, straight-out, Bourbon democrats, Mr. Greeley was too bitter a pill for them to swallow even though sugar-coated with a national democratic nomination. The practical result was that the rallying cry of the opposition soon became "anything to beat Grant," and principles were forgotten in a campaign which was probably the most bitter personally of any in the history of American politics.

Nevertheless, Greeley found supporters in many old - line whigs, who had been influenced by his Tribune for thirty years, and among many others, who sincerely believed him to be a better republican than was Gen. Grant. But as has been said, his name and record were exceedingly distasteful to the democrats, who, in the past, had always found him their most powerful, unflinching, and uncompromising foe. Still many of the latter accorded him a half-hearted support, and always under protest. Had the Cincinnati convention nominated Senator Trumbull or Judge Davis for president, and had Gen. Palmer been nominated for governor in Illinois, the vote in this State might have been much closer, even had not the result been doubtful in both the State and Nation. Many, indeed, of those who went to Cincinnati did so solely to nominate Trumbull or Davis as against Grant; Greeley they did not want and would not support, and accordingly availed themselves of the first opportunity to get back into the republican fold, where most of them

now remain. Others gave the Cincinnati ticket only a very feeble, practical endorsement. As it turned out, after the first few weeks, all the enthusiasm and vigor of the campaign was on the side of the republicans, who carried the State and Nation by an overwhelming majority. So far as Illinois was concerned, however, the majority was much larger for president than for governor and other state-officers.*

*

The amount of the State debt, including an addition of $250,000 on account of the canal, was, on Dec. 1, 1872, $2,060150-showing a decrease during the preceding four years of $3,928,303. Gov. Palmer, in his concluding message to the legislature, called attention to the fact, with pardonable pride, and pointed out that, notwithstanding the low prices ruling for leading farm - products, and the unsettled state of business throughout the country, the growth of the cities and towns of the State had been as extraordinary as had been the increase and multiplication of its manufacturing interests, and as were the evidences of development and progress which were indicated by the condition of the people during and at the close of his term of office. The governor had met with, and even courted, many antagonisms during his term. He had had to encounter the difficulties attendant upon carrying the ship of state over the reefs and shoals of a defective and often-violated constitution into the fairer and safer, yet untried, harbor provided by the new organic law. He had found it necessary, frequently, to differ with the legislature, with his own party, and with the president-he had not, indeed, always been able to be consistent with himself— but he came out of the trial unscathed, so far as his honor was concerned, generally retaining the respect of his opponents and the good-will of the people of the State.

• The following are the figures for Illinois: for the Grant electors, 241,237; for the Greeley electors, 184,772; for the O'Connor electors, 3,138. For Oglesby, 237,774; Koerner, 197,084; B. G. Wright, 2, 185. Beveridge, 235, 101; Black, 199,767; Starr, 2,459. For state-officers, majority, 48,790.

The result in the Nation was that Grant received 286 electoral votes; liberal and democratic parties, 63; and 17 not counted.

CHAPTER XLIII.

Administration of Gov. Beveridge-Twenty-eighth General Assembly-Election of Oglesby to the Senate-Laws -Parties and Platforms in 1874-Twenty-ninth General Assembly- Haines Speaker-Laws - The Centennial Year- Conventions, Platforms, and Elections of 1876.

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OVERNOR OGLESBY was inaugurated Jan. 13, 1873, and delivered the usual address. He availed himself of the opportunity, as his predecessor had done, to refer to the question of state-rights, observing that "our character as citizen of the United States is at least equal to our character as citizen of a state," and that as all power emanated from the people, "he who is thoroughly imbued with respect for and confidence in their patriotism, intelligence, and good sense, need take no special uneasiness to himself as to whether this or that grant of political power will trench upon, eat up, or devour all others in the common country." The governor treated the subject in a popular way and received the approving smiles of his political friends.

The ceremony of inaugurating the governor elect, however, was a mere matter of form-as before that he had received the unanimous and enthusiastic nomination of the republican members of the legislature as their candidate for the UnitedStates senate, which was equivalent to his subsequent election, January 21. His opponent, selected by the democrats, was Judge Trumbull, the then incumbent, whose place he was chosen to fill the final vote being, in the senate, Oglesby 33, Trumbull 16, Coolbaugh 2; in the house, Oglesby 84, Trumbull 62.

Protests, signed by 16 senators and 48 members of the house, were filed against the election of Gov. Oglesby to the senate on the ground of his ineligibility, citing that section of the State constitution which provides that "neither the governor, lieutenant-governor, auditor, secretary of state, superintendent of