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indifferent eye upon this intervention—that she will have the will to prevent it.

For the policy of Russia, at last unmasked by the manifesto of the Czar Nicholas, proves sufficiently that he looks upon himself as the natural enemy of all civilized people, and, as a final consequence, of France. It proves that in her present attack upon us, Russia is only taking up a strong position, by rendering Austria subject to herself.

Let me entreat you to take into consideration the respect for existing rights, which the national government of Hungary maintains, even against its own interest. While the Austro-Russian troops were violating the neutrality of the Turkish territory in Wallachia, the General of the Hungarian forces made it his duty to respect it; he halted his men upon the frontiers of Transylvania at a moment when, by imitating the enemy's example, and pursuing him into the Turkish territory, he could have put the Austro-Russians in a condition to do him no further mischief.

Pardon me, M. le Ministre, for having troubled you with so many details; but this was for me a sacred duty, which I could not avoid fulfilling.

I am a Hungarian-I owe myself to the cause of my country. I am the representative of her interests-it is my duty to defend them-and I do so, in the intimate conviction that the interests of all humanity are sharers in

our own.

Your own feelings towards the cause I represent are a pledge that you will give a favourable reception to these lines.

Be pleased, M. le Ministre, to accept, &c.,


M. de Tocqueville, Minister of Foreign Affairs, &c.


The following is the address of the Constituent Assembly of Rome to the Governments and to the Parliaments of France and England:

"The representatives of the free Roman people confidently appeal to the Governments and to the Parliaments of the two most free and most powerful nations of Europe.

"It is well known that we have been for many ages governed by the church, with the same special and absolute authority in all matters temporal as in spiritual, whence it happened that, amid the enlightenment of the nineteenth century, we are surrounded by the darkness of the middle ages. Civilization was combated at times with open warfare, always with the force of inertia, to such a degree that it was considered a crime in us to feel and call ourselves Italians.

"It is well known that we have, on many occasions, attempted to achieve our own liberty; but Europe has made us expiate by a harder slavery those very attempts by which other nations have been rendered glorious. At length, after our long martyrdom, the day of redemption appeared to have arrived, and we trusted to the power of ideas as well as to that of events, and to the mild character of the prince. We desired, above all things, to be Italians: this was a crime. We believed ourselves free: this was an illusion. The day came when the prince abandoned us, and we were left without governAll attempts at conciliation failed. Messages and messengers from the Parliament and the Municipality were rejected. The people awaited their time with patience, but the emigrated government no longer proffered a single word of liberty or of love. It stigmatized three millions of men with the guilt of an individual, and, when we deliberated on employing the only means which


remained to us for constituting an authority which the prince had, in fact, abdicated, the priest pronounced a malediction upon us.

"It is well known that our Assembly had its origin in universal suffrage; that Assembly, exercising of necessity an imprescriptible right, decreed the dethronement of theocracy for ever, and proclaimed the republic.

"No one opposed it. The only voice of complaint arose from the theocracy which we had overthrown. And yet it is to this voice that Europe is willing to listen, and seems to forget the story of our woes, and to confound what lies within the province of spiritual authority with that which is purely temporal. "The Roman Republic has sanctioned the independence and the free exercise of the spiritual authority of the Pope, and has thereby demonstrated to the Catholic world how profoundly deep is its conviction that the liberty of religious action should be inseparable from the supreme head of the church. To maintain this liberty in the fullest integrity, the Roman Republic adds to the moral guarantee afforded by the devotion of all our Catholic brethren the material guarantee of all the force at its disposal. But Europe is not contented with this, and it is repeated that the existence of the temporal power of the Pope is essential to Catholicism.

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For this reason we invite the Governments and Parliaments of France and England, to consider what right can be alleged by any Power, to impose any form of government whatever on an independent nation; and where is the wis dom of attempting to restore a Government by its very nature irreconcilable with liberty and civilization; a Government long since morally abolished, and actually so for upwards of five months, without any one among the clergy having attempted to set up again its fallen standard? Or where is the wisdom of resuscitating a Government universally detested, incapable of a long existence, and, on the contrary, certain to provoke continual conspiracies, disturbances, and revolutions?

"And if we assert that such Government cannot be identified and reconciled either with liberty or civilization, we have surely good grounds for such an assertion, since the experiment we have lately made of a constitution has proved how much the attempt to establish an affinity and combination between temporal and spiritual concerns has impeded its working and development. Here ecclesiastical canons nullified civil statutes; under the empire of theocracy, public education, and instruction, were the privilege and monopoly of the clergy-the ecclesiastical privilege of mortmain impeded the transmission of property. Ecclesiastics were exempted by privilege from appearing before the civil tribunals, while the laity were subject to the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical tribunals, all which constituted a condition of things so far removed from real liberty or civilization, that any free nation must prefer the alternative of waging ten wars to enduring a single one of them. And how can Europe-so often thrown into commotion by the sacerdotal power which launched the thunders of the Church against her States-how can she expect three millions of men to submit at the present day to an authority which not only exercises its political right of temporal punishment against the offender, but even threatens damnation to his soul? Europe cannot reason herself into the belief that free institutions can be fitly carried out under a prince who can, under cover of his political power, turn the enormous authority of the priest to perplexing and disturbing consciences.

"We trust that England and France, so justly jealous of their own independence, will never willingly consent that there should exist in the centre of Italy a people neutral with respect to other nations made serfs for the sake of the rest of the Catholic world, excluded from the rights of nations, and made a mere appanage for the clergy. The Roman people claim to be masters of the Roman State. And, if Catholic nations may intervene in behalf of their religious affairs, surely they have no right to interfere with our political rights or our social pact. However neutrality may be imposed upon a whole nation, it surely cannot be

imposed on the central district of a country with regard to the rest, it being impossible for this centre to have by itself a national life by the mere force of treaties or protocols.

"The representatives of the Roman people would consider it an insult to the political wisdom of the governments and parliaments of France and England, were they to doubt their acknowledging the importance of the rights and arguments herein slightly touched upon, no less than the advantage to Europe herself, who must ensure its own lasting tranquillity by securing the abolition of the government of the priesthood.

"Undoubtedly, it can never be expected of us that we should not oppose the restoration with a bold, determined, and irrevocable will; nor can Europe impute to us the threatening catastrophe that may ensue, nor the inevitable injury that a violent and bloody restoration would occasion, even to the Catholic authority of the Papacy. We are convinced that England and France will lend us both aid and counsel in order to avert such evils, and to draw closer the bond of amity in which all free nations should now be united."

For the National Assembly:

"Rome, April 18th, 1849.”

"G. GALLETTI, President.







The following are the instructions addressed by the Government of France to its agents at Vienna and Gaeta, setting forth the motives and objects of the French in sending Gen. Oudinot and his army to Rome:

M. Drouyn de Lhuys to Admiral Cecille, communicated to Viscount Palmerston by Admiral Cecille, April 21.

PARIS, April 19, 1849. M. L'AMIRAL: I have the honour to send you herewith copies of two despatches which I have just written, one to the Chargé d'Affaires of France at Vienna, the other to our Ambassador to the Pope, and to our Envoy at the Court of Naples, to communicate to them the reasons and the object of the expedition which is about to depart for Civita Vecchia under the command of General Oudinot. I request you to have the goodness to read them to Lord Palmerston. We doubt not that the British Government will duly appreciate a determination, the object of which is at once to maintain, as far as shall depend on us, the balance of power; to guaranty the independence of the Italian States; to secure to the Roman people a liberal and regular system of administration; and to preserve them from the dangers of a blind reaction, as well as from the phrensy of anarchy. Receive, &c.,



M. Drouyn de Lhuys to M. de la Cour.

PARIS, April 17, 1849.

SIR: The events which have occurred so rapidly within some weeks in the north of Italy; the movements which have been effected by the Austrian army after its very short contest with the Piedmontese army; the intention distinctly announced by Prince Schwarzenberg of interfering in all the coun

tries of the Peninsula adjoining Lombardy; and, lastly, the decision even of the members of the conference of Gaeta, who did not think that they could agree to any of the plans suggested by our plenipotentiaries: all these circumstances have led us to think that, in order to retain in the regulation of the affairs of Central Italy the share of influence which legitimately belongs to France, and the preservation of which is essential to the maintenance of the balance of power, France ought to assume a more decided attitude. The Government of the Republic has resolved to send to Civita Vecchia a body of troops commanded by General Oudinot. Our intention in deciding on this measure has been neither to impose on the Roman people a system of administration which their free will would have rejected, nor to constrain the Pope to adopt, when he shall be recalled to the exercise of his power, this or that system of government. We thought, we more than ever think, that by the force of events, by the effect of the natural disposition of men's minds, the system of administration which the revolution of last November has established at Rome is destined soon to fall, and that the Roman people will place themselves again under the authority of the Sovereign Pontiff, provided they are secured against the dangers of a reaction. But we nevertheless think, and in this respect especially you know our language has never varied, that that authority will not take strong root, and can only strengthen itself against fresh storms by the help of institutions which may prevent the return of the old abuses, the reform of which Pius IX. had with such generous zeal begun.

To facilitate a reconciliation which would be effected on such grounds; to give to the Holy Father, and to all those who, whether at Rome or at Gaeta, are disposed to co-operate therein, the assistance which may be required to surmount the obstacles raised by exaggerated pretensions, or by evil passions: such is the object which we have assigned to our expedition.

Prince Schwarzenberg will understand, I am convinced, that, after having taken the important decision which I have the honor to announce to you, we have not wished to risk the chances of its success by the delay which a preliminary communication made to the Conference of Gaeta would have caused. The rapid progress of events made it impossible for us to temporize. Moreover, our intentions are unequivocal and cannot be suspected. What we wish is, that the Holy Father, on re-entering Rome, may find himself placed in a situation which, while it is satisfactory to him and to his people, may at the same time preserve Italy and Europe from fresh disturbances, and may not interfere either with the balance of power or the independence of the Italian States. The means to which we have recourse are, if I am not mistaken, the fittest to attain that end. They ought, then, to meet with the approbation of all friends of order and peace.

We should not, without regret, see that Austria, to whom the occupation of a considerable part of upper Italy and the victory recently obtained over the Piedmontese secure already so large a share of influence in the Peninsula, should think proper, as she has more than once intimated, to procure for herself by the occupation of Bologna, a fresh security, which, however useless to her with regard to serious interests, would serve but to disquiet and to excite men's minds. Receive, &c.,


E. DROUYN De Lhuys.

M. Drouyn de Lhuys to M. D'Harcourt and M. de Rayneval.

PARIS, April 17, 1849. SIR: The determination announced to you in a despatch of the 15th inst., is at length taken, and is about to be carried into execution. A vote of the

National Assembly, passed at the close of a solemn discussion, having provided the government of the Republic with the funds which it required for that purpose, a body of troops, commanded by General Oudinot, will be despatched without delay to Civita Vecchia. The idea of the government of the Republic, in deciding upon this measure, has not been either to impose upon the Roman people a system of administration which their free will would have rejected, nor to compel the Pope, when he shall be recalled to the exercise of his temporal power, to adopt such or such system of government. We have thought, we think more than ever, that, by the force of circumstances, and in consequence of the natural disposition of men's minds, the system of administration which was founded at Rome by the revolution of November is destined shortly to fall; that the Roman people, provided it is re-assured against the dangers of a reaction, will readily place itself under the authority of the Sovereign Pontiff; and that Pius IX., on returning to his dominions, will carry back thither the generous, enlightened, and liberal policy with which he has lately shown himself to be animated. To facilitate a reconciliation which should be carried out in such a spirit; to furnish the Pope and all those who, at Gaeta as well as at Rome, are disposed to contribute thereto, with the support which they may require, in order to surmount the obstacles raised in the one sense or the other by exaggerated influences or by evil passions, such is the object which we have assigned to our expedition. Have the goodness, when announcing, in concert with M. de Rayneval, to Cardinal Antonilli the departure of the division commanded by General Oudinot, clearly to explain to him the object and the bearing of the resolution which we have now adopted. He will understand that, in order to place himself in a position to profit by it, the Pope must hasten to publish a manifesto, which, by guarantying to the people liberal institutions in conformity with their wishes as well as with the necessities of the times, shall cause the overthrow of all resistance. The manifesto, appearing at the very moment when our troops would show themselves on the coasts of the States of the church, would be the signal for a reconciliation from which only a very small number of malcontents would be excluded. You cannot insist too strongly upon the utility of, or the necessity even which exists for, such a document.

It will be easy for you to make the members of the Conference of Gaeta understand that if we have not thought fit to await the result of the deliberations of that conference before resorting to action, it is because the rapid progress of events did not allow us to do so. What we desire is, that the Pope, on returning to Rome, shall find himself in a position which, at once satisfactory for himself and for his people, shall secure Italy and Europe from new commotions, and shall not prejudice either the balance of power or the independence of the Italian States. The means to which we have recourse are, if I do not deceive myself, the best calculated for the attainment of this object. They must consequently meet with the approbation of the friends of order and of peace. Receive, &c., E. DROUYN DE LHUYS.


THE following ukase, relating to the Russian intervention in Hungary, has been published in St. Petersburgh:


By the grace of God, We, Nicholas I., Emperor and Autocrat of all the Russias, &c., declare to the nation, having, by our manifesto of the 14th of March, 1848, informed our subjects of the miseries which afflicted Western Europe, we at the same time made known how we were ready to meet our enemies wherever they might show themselves, and that we should, without sparing our

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