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proach the thrones of your imperial and royal majesties, and supplicate that of your imperial and royal clemency "— I will not go through the disgusting recital; my lips have not yet learnt the sycophantic language of a degraded slave!

Are we so low, so base, so despicable, that we may not express our horror, articulate our detestation, of the most brutal and atrocious war that ever stained earth, or shocked high heaven, with the ferocious deeds of a brutal soldiery, set on by the clergy and followers of a fanatical and inimical religion, and rioting in excess of blood and butchery, at the mere details of which the heart sickens ?

If the great mass of Christendom can look coolly and calmly on, while all this is perpetrated on a Christian people, in their own vicinity, in their very presence, let us, at least, show that, in this distant extremity, there is still some sensibility and sympathy for Christian wrongs and sufferings; that there are still feelings, which can kindle into indignation at the oppression of a people endeared to us by every ancient recollection and every modern tie.

But, sir, it is not first and chiefly for Greece, that I wish to see this measure adopted. It will give them but little aid, that aid purely of a moral kind.

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It is indeed soothing and solacing in distress, to hear the accents of a friendly voice. We know this as a people. But, sir, it is principally and mainly for America herself, for the credit and character of our common country, that I hope to see this resolution pass; it is for our own unsullied name that I feel. What appearance, sir, on the page of history, would a record like this make: In the month of January, in the year of our Lord and Saviour, 1824, while all European Christendom beheld with cold, unfeeling apathy the unexampled wrongs and inexpressible misery of Christian Greece, a proposition was made in the congress of the United States,almost the sole, the last, the greatest repository of human hope and of human freedom, the representatives of a nation capable of bringing into the field a million of bayonets, — while the freemen of that nation were spontaneously expressing its deep-toned feeling, its fervent prayer, for Grecian success; while the whole continent was rising by one simultaneous motion, solemnly and anxiously supplicating and invoking the aid of heaven to spare Greece, and to invigorate her arms; while temples and senate-houses were all resounding with one burst of generous sympathy;-in the year of our Lord and Saviour, -that Saviour alike of Christian Greece and of us - a propo

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ger to Greece, to inquire into her state and condition, with an expression of our good wishes and our sympathies; -and it was rejected!" Go home, if you dare, go home, if you can, to your constituents, and tell them that you voted it down! Meet, if you dare, the appalling countenances of those who sent you here, and tell them, that you shrank from the declaration of your own sentiments-that, you cannot tell how, but that some unknown dread, some indescribable apprehension, some indefinable danger, affrighted you - that the spectres of cimeters, and crowns, and crescents, gleamed before you, and alarmed you; and that you suppressed all the noble feelings prompted by religion, by liberty, by national independence, and by humanity! I cannot bring myself to believe that such will be the feeling of a majority of this house.

But, for myself, though every friend of the measure should desert it, and I left to stand alone with the gentleman from Massachusetts, I will give to the resolution the poor sanction of my unqualified approbation.

THE EXACT SCIENCES.

E. EVERETT.

THERE are some departments of exact science which must be regarded as forming the grandest study of which the mind. is capable, and as eminently calculated, for this reason, to give it strength and elevation. The vastness and multitude of the heavenly bodies, which form, for instance, the subject of astronomy, - bodies which the highest calculus is as little able to number and weigh as the humblest arithmetic; the grandeur of the laws which it discloses and applies; the boundless distances which it spans; the periods, all but eternal, which it estimates, impart a sublimity to this branch of science, which lifts the soul to the heavens. It is, indeed, the glory of science, in every branch, that it gives life and beauty to everything which it touches. It has but to cast a ray of light on a drop of dew, to people it with races of alert and sportive organisms.. It throws its glance upon the sap vessels of an humble weed, and traces in them, in full flow, the silver tides of vegetable circulation. It but touches a bar of steel, and makes it beat with the pulses of that mysterious influence which throbs simultaneously around the globe; and in language which we may well repeat, since the wit of man cannot mend it,

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"Finds tongues in trees, books in the running brooks,
Sermons in stones, and good in everything.

But while each and every part of knowledge, in thus giving voice to the pebble and the star, and awakening from all nature a concert of the divinest music, is directly calculated to strengthen and elevate the mental faculties, the palm seems justly due to that grand philosophy, of which faint glimpses were caught by the early sages of Greece; of which the foundations were nobly strengthened and enlarged by the successive discoveries and labors of Copernicus, Kepler, and Galileo; and on which Newton, at last, with the rarest mixture of qualities which the world has ever witnessed,—now shrinking with childlike humility from his own discoveries, now scaling the heavens with the Titanic boldness of his generalizations, was enabled at last to establish the system of the universe.

KNOWLEDGE IS POWER.

E. H. CHAPIN.

SUFFICIENT is it that men have felt and enunciated the sublime doctrine that "knowledge is power;" that, as mind is superior to matter, so are ideas more potent and enduring than prodigies of physical might. Archimedes' thought is stronger than his lever. The mind that planned the pyramids was more powerful than the hands that piled them. The inventors of the mariner's compass and the telescope have outdone the Macedonian, and won new worlds. And the influence of the Cæsars seems mean and narrow beside the imperial dominion of the printing press. Physical force is sectional, and acts in defined methods. But knowledge defies gravitation, and is not thwarted by space. It is miraculous in the wonder of its achievements, and in its independence of precedent and routine. "Knowledge is power!" Man gains wider dominion by his intellect than by his right The mustard-seed of thought is a pregnant treasury of vast results. Like the germ in Egyptian tombs, its vitality never perishes, and its fruit will spring up after it has been buried for long ages. To the superficial eye, the plain of modern history is merely an arena of battle and treaty, colonization and revolution. To the student, this modern history, so diversified and mutable, indicates more than this. Luther and Cromwell Pilgrim-rock and the Declaration of Inderan

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leveling and exalting power- a power which, with no mere Cyclopean effort, no fitful Etna convulsion, but with silent throbbings, like some great tidal force in nature, is slowly undermining all falsehood, and heaving the mass of humanity upwards. But to dwell upon the power of knowledge, intellect, thought, is to run into trite declamation. The scholar who has wrung this power in toil and sacrifice knows it full well. He sees it, in secret places, distilling as the due, and dropping as the gentle rain from heaven, and everywhere diffusing its potent spell. He experiences its superiority over nature and brute force. He knows its conquests in the past and in the future.

IN REPLY TO CORRY.

H. GRATTAN.

THE right honorable gentlemen says I fled from the country after exciting rebellion; and that I have returned to raise another. No such thing. The charge is false ! The civil war had not commenced when I left the kingdom, and I could not have returned without taking part. On the one side, there was the camp of the rebel; on the other side, the camp of the ministera greater traitor than the rebel.

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The stronghold of the constitution was nowhere to be found. agree that the rebel who rises against the government should have suffered; but I missed, on the scaffold, the right honorable gentleman. Two desperate parties were in arms against the constitution. The right honorable gentleman belonged to one of these parties, and deserved death. I could not join the rebel - I could not join the government - I could not join torture I could not join half-hanging — I could not join free quarter. I could take part with neither. I was therefore absent from a scene where I could not be active without selfreproach, nor indifferent with safety.

Many honorable gentlemen thought differently from me; I respect their opinions, but I keep my own; and I think now, as I thought then, that the treason of the minister against the liberties of the people was infinitely worse than the rebellion of the people against the minister.

I have returned, not, as the right honorable member has said, to raise another storm, I have returned to discharge an honorable debt of gratitude to my country, that conferred a great reward for past services; which, I am proud to say, was not greater than my desert. I have returned to protect

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that constitution of which I was the parent and the founder from the assassination of such men as the right honorable gentleman and his unworthy associates. They are corrupt

they are seditious and they, at this very moment, are in a conspiracy against their country! I have returned to refute a libel as false as it is malicious, given to the public under the appellation of a report of a committee of the lords. Here I stand, ready for impeachment or trial! I dare accusation! I defy the honorable gentleman! I defy the government! I defy their whole phalanx!-let them come forth. I tell the ministers I will neither give them quarter nor take it! I am here to lay the shattered remains of my constitution on the floor of this house, in defence of the liberties of my country!

ADDRESS TO CITIZENS AND SOLDIERS.

A. JACKSON.

FELLOW CITIZENS AND SOLDIERS:-The general commanding in chief would not do justice to the noble ardor that has animated you in the hour of danger, he would not do justice to his own feelings, if he suffered the example you have shown to pass without public notice. Inhabitants of an opulent commercial town, you have, by a spontaneous effort, shaken off the habits which are created by wealth, and shown that you are resolved to deserve the blessings of fortune, by bravely defending them. Long strangers to the perils of war, you have emboldened yourselves to face them with the cool countenance of veterans; with motives of disunion that might have operated on some minds, you have forgotten the differences of language and prejudice of national pride, and united with a cordiality that does honor to your understanding as well as to your patriotism.

Natives of the United States! They are the oppressors of your infant political existence, with whom you are to contend they are the men your fathers fought and conquered, whom you are now to oppose.

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Descendants of Frenchmen! Natives of France! They are English,—the hereditary, the eternal enemies of your ancient country- the invaders of that you have adopted, — who are your foes.

Spaniards!

Remember the conduct of your allies at St.

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