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inquiry, when we affirm that there is no ancient history comparable for truth with that of the Bible,- to say nothing of its inspiration; and that Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, humble in the world's opinion as they comparatively were, have left us a more consistent history of Jesus Christa history combining more of the attributes of truth than the three historians aforementioned have given us of Cyrus; than Plato and Xenophon have left of their great master Socrates; or than his numerous historians wrote of Alexander the Great.

In order that the reader may be in some measure able to judge for himself, we shall set down a few facts; and first we shall supply a general outline of the life of Cyrus, as furnished in the Cyropædia of Xenophon.

Cyrus was the son of Cambyses, king of Persia, and of Mandane, a daughter of the Median king Astyages. At twelve years of age, he repaired to the court of his maternal grandfather; and, when only sixteen, led an army against the Assyrians or Babylonians, and then returned to Persia. Hence he was sent to assist his uncle, Cyaxeres II. against the Babylonians; received from him the supreme command over all the Median forces; defeated Croesus, king of Lydia; and soon after, overcoming Nabonned (Belshazzar), king of Babylon, by the conquest of his capital, put an end to the Chaldæan dominion (538 or 539, A.C.). Cyaxeres gave him his daughter in marriage, and with her the succession to his throne. On the death of Cambyseз, Cyrus assumed the Persian sceptre, and, on the retirement of Cyaxeres, that also of the Medo-Babylonian empire (536 or 535, A.C.). He reigned in possession of this vast power till 529-30, A.C. when he died of the decay incident to old age, after having, in anticipation of his death, of which he had received a divine premonition, offered customary sacrifices, and delivered a long admonitory address to his sons.

As the Scriptural narrative falls in best with the account of Xenophon, we shall supply from it what information is necessary, before we proceed to exhibit the discrepancies to which we have referred.

With the statement made above, that Cyrus overthrew the empire of Babylon, the Scripture accounts are in full accordance; and that important event they not only mention, but predict. Our space compels us to be content with giving references (Isa. xli. 2, 3, 25, 26; xliv. 28, where Cyrus is named; xlv. 1, where Cyrus is termed the Messiah of Jehovah; xlvi. 11; xlvii. 1, seq.; xlviii. 14, seq.: see BELSHAZZAR and BABYLON). Scarcely had the conqueror ascended the throne, when he issued a decree, giving the captive Jews permission to return to their loved native land, and to rebuild their venerated temple (536, A.C. Ezra i. 1; v. 13; vi. 3. Dan. i. 21). This royal indulgence Josephus

ascribes to the king's perusal of the prophecies of Isaiah. The passage is too curious to be passed over:-' God stirred up the mind of Cyrus, and made him write this (the decree) throughout all Asia: "Thus saith Cyrus the king,- Since God Almighty hath appointed me to be king of the habitable earth, I believe he is that God whom the nation of the Israelites worship; for indeed he foretold my name by the prophets, and that I should build him a house at Jerusalem, in the country of Judea." This was known to Cyrus, by his reading the book which Isaiah left behind him of his prophecies; for this prophet said, that God had spoken thus to him in secret vision: "My will is, that Cyrus, whom I have appointed to be king over many and great nations, send back my people to their own land, and build my temple." This was foretold by Isaiah a hundred and forty years before the temple was demolished. Accordingly, when Cyrus read this, and admired the divine power, he was seized with an earnest desire to fulfil what was so written' ('Antiq.' xi. 1. 1 and 2). Any general influence from similarity of religion as between Cyrus and the Jews, we have no grounds for supposing. The aversion of the Persians to the worship of images found a corresponding feeling in the Jews, and may have had some weight with the king (Ezra i. 2, 3). But, if there is any reason to suspect Josephus of being by his patriotism led to throw some warmth of colouring over his picture of Cyrus's motives, there were political considerations which would weigh with so prudent a monarch, who, on his proud and lofty seat, contemplated nothing less than a universal empire. For Egypt could not fail to disturb his pleasing dreams, and he would easily see how important it was to have a strong friendly power in Palestine, by whose means the land of the Nile might quietly be kept in check. The force of this consideration will be estimated, when the reader knows, that only eleven years elapsed before the Persians achieved the conquest of Egypt, and the neighbouring countries (525, A.C.). It is by no means unreasonable to suppose, that distinguished Jews may have had some influence on the mind of Cyrus even indirectly, especially when we call to mind the part which Daniel had taken, if not in preparing the way for, certainly in foretelling, the overthrow of the Chaldæan dynasty— (Dan. iv. v. vi. vii.). Not impossibly, Cyrus was somewhat afraid of having in his empire so large a body of (comparatively) cultivated men, of distinguished ability and great force of character, detained there as captives, and longing for the hills of Judea, and the solemnities of the temple. He may have seen, what their whole history shows, that the Jews were very impatient both of bondage and of exile, and little disposed to

leave untried an opportunity of regaining their liberty, should one be presented by the absence of the monarch on any enterprise of ambition. Whatever the motives by which Cyrus was actuated, a monarch such as he was obviously the person likely to take the decided step of sending back the captive Israelites.

Not without due reflection did Herodotus apply himself to his narrative respecting Cyrus. Of four ways of relating his history, which prevailed in the time of the historian, he chose that one which rested on Persian authority, and seemed to him least charged with impressions derived from the magnifying power of veneration. The history thus carefully chosen is briefly as follows:-The Median king Astyages, under the effect of a dream which made him fear that a grandson would rob him of his throne, was induced to marry his daughter Mandane to Cambyses, a Persian of the lower ranks. When Mandane had borne a son, Astyages commanded his trusty servant Harpagos to put the child to death. An accident rescued the boy from this peril. He was, under the name of Agradatos, brought up by a shepherd, but in his tenth year recognised as a grandson of the king. Astyages, moved by the magi, sent the boy back to his parents, and punished Harpagos for not having executed his fell design. Harpagos, meditating revenge, allied himself with the chief of the Medes, who were discontented with the government of Astyages, and induced Cyrus, then grown to man's estate, to avail himself of the prevalent disaffection, and to enter Media, in order to take possession of the entire kingdom. Cyrus brought the Persians into the plan. The consequence was, that Astyages lost the throne (559, A.C.), after he had reigned thirty-five years. The monarch was kept in a sort of honourable bondage till he died. Cyrus changed but little in the constitution of the Medes, and his Persians soon adopted the customs of their captives. He extended the limits of his empire, especially by the conquest of Croesus. Since he could not hold possession of Asia Minor so long as the Babylonian power lasted, and as its monarch Nabonnedus was an ally of Croesus, he led an army against Babylon. He conquered the Babylonians in the open field, but had great difficulty in overcoming the city, of which he made himself master only by turning the course of the Euphrates, and entering with his troops by means of the emptied channel of the river.

Recognising the existence of a variety of narratives respecting the end of Cyrus, Herodotus gives that which he believed most entitled to credit, namely, that the monarch lost his life in battle with the Massagetai, a warlike nation of Scythia. After Cyrus had obtained a victory by craft, the queen Tomyris, collecting all her force,

came to a decisive engagement, in which, having reigned twenty-nine years, Cyrus fell with the greater part of his troops. His vanquisher put his head into a basin filled with blood, in order that it might quench its thirst.

The divergence between this account and that of Xenophon is very apparent. Indeed, there is only such a degree of resemblance between the two, as to let the reader see that it is the same person of whom the two historians speak.

The diversity is not diminished, if we bring Ctesias forward. Agreeing with Herodotus, that Cyrus dethroned Astyages, he declares that Cyrus had been previously connected with Astyages in such a manner, that he had, as a conqueror, married Amytis his daughter, on which Astyages gained dominion over the Barcoi, and lived on good terms with his son-in-law; but at a later period, being betrayed by a eunuch, who, at the command of Cyrus, accompanied Astyages, the latter, when on a journey to visit the former, was allowed to perish in the desert, of hunger and thirst. Nor does Ctesias agree with Herodotus or Xenophon as to the death of Cyrus. Ctesias makes Cyrus lead an army against Amoræos, king of the Derbikoi, a Scythian tribe. Indians, who were the auxiliaries of the Derbikoi, employing their elephants, put the Persian cavalry to flight; in which route Cyrus stumbled, and received from an Indian soldier a fatal wound. While yet living, he was brought into the camp, where he acknowledged as his successor his eldest son Cambyses, and assigned to his youngest son, Tanyoxartes, a province free of tribute. He died on the third day after he had been wounded, in the thirteenth year of his reign.

To refuse credence to the entire history of Cyrus, to deny his conquest of Babylon,-to throw doubts on his existence,- -to account for the divergent narratives by alleging fraud or fiction, -would be accounted harsh, unjustifiable, if not unjust; betraying a sweeping spirit of condemnation, which, in the end, would leave ancient history a blank. what shall be said of the same process when applied to the gospel? especially since in this case the variations are inconsiderable, and have no other appearance than such as must always arise when well-informed aud credible historians write independently of each other.

But

Cyrus has been recognised in the ram that stood before the river, which had two horns, and the two horns were high; but one was higher than the other, and the higher came up last,'- seen by Daniel,-'pushing westward, and northward, and southward, so that no beasts might stand before him, neither could deliver out of his hand; but he did according to his will, and became great' (Dan. viii. 3, 4).

D.

DABAREH (H.), a Levitical city at the foot of Tabor, on whose ruins now stands the village Dabury (Josh. xxi. 28). At this place, the events recorded in Matt. xvii. 14-21, are believed to have taken place. The Christians built here a commemorative church on the site of the house into which Jesus was held to have retired after the performance of the miracle. Of this church there are still some remains. They also show, in the vicinity of Tabor, and of the village of Dabury, a fountain, named 'the well of the nine apostles;' who are said to have there awaited the descent of their Master from the Mount of Transfiguration. At an early period there was, on the same spot, a chapel, which was dedicated to the nine apostles.

DAGON (H. from dag, a fish), - the national divinity of the Philistines of Ashdod and Gaza (Judg. xvi. 23. 1 Sam. v. 1, seq.), which appears to have had the head and hands of a man (1 Sam. v. 4), but from the navel downwards the parts of a fish; though authorities here somewhat differ, and Philo makes Dagon to be exclusively a male of the human form. Dagon, as the male, was connected with Derceto or Atergatis, the female fish-god of the Philistines; and, hereby, with Astarte, whose worship was practised by the Philistines (1 Sam. xxxi. 10). The position of the Philistines on the coast, and the food which they drew from the sea, were the causes which led them, in common with other maritime peoples, to pay religious honours to the fish. In Judg. xvi. 25, seq. mention is made of a temple of Dagon which Samson destroyed. The building appears to have resembled a modern Turkish kiosk, which consists of capacious halls, the roof of which is in the fore part supported by pillars. On the roof of such buildings intemperate pleasures were customarily enjoyed. The temple of Dagon in Ashdod was burnt by Jonathan (1 Macc. x. 84. Joseph. 'Antiq.' xiii. 4. 5).

DALMANUTHA (C. bad abode), a town or village beyond Jordan, in the eastern part of the tribe Manasseh, and on the south east of the Sea of Galilee. The place was utterly destroyed by the Romans (Mark viii. 10).

DALMATIA - into which Titus (2 Tim. iv. 10) is reported to have gone shortly before Paul's demise was a province of the Roman Illyricum, lying on the Adriatic Sea, between the rivers Titius and Drinus, south of Liburnia, having the cities Salona, Epidaurus, Lissus, and others. The incident recorded of Titus gives reason to think, that

he preached the gospel to the Dalmatians with acceptance and success.

DAMARIS, a woman of Athens, who was converted by the preaching of Paul (Acts xvii. 34). Some have conjectured, that Damaris should be written Damalis, which is a common female name among the Greeks. As no descriptive epithets are employed to distinguish her, she may have been a person of note. However, she owes her chief distinction to her being mentioned by the apostle. Thus even a slight connection with truly great men confers earthly immortality; but eternal life can be gained only by intimate alliance with Christ.

DAMASCUS lies in a plain in the northeast of Syria, being from six to eight days' journey from Jerusalem, and is one of the oldest cities in the world; in whose territory, if we may believe tradition, dwelt Adam, after he had been banished from Paradise. About half a day's journey from Damascus, near Abila, is a lofty hill with a flat top, covered with beautiful trees, and having a cavern. Here Cain and Abel are said to have offered their sacrifices. Damascus-called in Hebrew Dammesek, in Arabic Dimaschk, in Syriac Darmsuk, and by the modern Arabs Es Schamis, as the last name indicates, the capital of Syria. According to Josephus, the place was founded by Uz, a grandson of Shem. The city certainly existed in the days of Abraham; for it is mentioned as the native place of Eliezer, the patriarch's steward; and, from the style of the narrative, the writer evidently held it to be an ancient place (Gen. xiv. xv. 2). Till the time of David, Damascus appears to have been an independent state. In the reign of that monarch, the Syrians of Damascus having sent succour to Hadadezer, king of Zo bah, against whom David was making war, suffered a severe defeat, and became subject to Israel (2 Sam. viii. 3-8). The subjection, however, did not long endure; for, near the end of Solomon's reign, Rezon, a subject of Hadadezer, avenged his sovereign against the Hebrews, by making himself master of the city (1 Kings xi. 23-25); when Damascus became the seat of a new and energetic government, which occasioned trouble and danger to the kingdoms of Israel and Judah. Jeroboam II. of Israel overcame Damascus (2 Kings xiv. 28), which was accounted & Hebrew tributary; but, after his death, the city recovered its independence, and Rezin became its sovereign. He united with Pekah, king of Israel, against Judah, whose ruler Ahaz sought aid of Tiglath-Pileser, king of Assyria, who subdued and sacked Damascus

(Isa. viii.). From this time, Damascus, unable to support itself, shared the fate of the kingdoms on whom it was successively dependent. After the fall of the Assyrian empire, it fell into the hands of the Babylonians. Thence it passed to make a part of the Persian empire, under whose sway it had a period of great prosperity. After the death of Alexander the Great, who subdued the Persian monarchy, Damascus formed a part of the Syrian empire, under the Seleucidæ. Under these kings, Damascus lost a portion of its greatness, by being neglected of its masters, who founded new cities in the northern part of their kingdom, since the Egyptians were taking pains to bring Syria under their power. In the contest of the Maccabees against the Syrian monarchs, Damascus was probably conquered by Jonathan (1 Macc. xii. 32). About the year 64, A.C. the Romans brought Damascus under their power. At a later time, king Aretas, of Arabia, appears to have been master of Damascus; for he had there a representative, who, in order to gratify the Jews, endeavoured to seize the apostle Paul (2 Cor. xi. 32). The Romans,

however, are again found lords of Damas cus; and, under their emperor Diocletian, it rose to eminence and splendour, which it has never wholly lost; for that monarch saw in Damascus a city by which effectual opposition could be given to the growing power of the Saracens, and therefore not only carefully fortified it, but placed there abundant magazines, and set up within its walls a manufactory of arms; so that, from so early a period as this, may probably be traced the still surviving fame of the Damascus blades. The emperor Julian gave this city a preference over all others, in consequence of its magnitude and beauty, as well as the splendour of its temples, and other public buildings. On the same account, the caliphs in the seventh century made it for some time the metropolis of their power. In the year 1517, it was conquered by the sultan Selim; since which, it has remained under the dominion of the Turks, who have a pacha in the place. It is at the present day in great prosperity, owing mainly to the fact, that the chief route runs through it, pursued by caravans on their way to Mecca.

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judgment will be held, and the eternal kingdom established, of which they are to be chiefs. A very large portion of the vicinity is occupied with gardens, which present the ntmost luxuriance and beauty of oriental vegetation. Picturesque as the city appears when viewed from without, with its leaden domes, marble minarets, and gilded crescents, the interior is by no means pleasing to the eye. Very many of the houses are built of mud, and, externally, present a picture of filth and wretchedness. Some of them, however, which belong to the rich Armenian merchants, are furnished with great magnificence, forming a strong contrast with the neglected state of their outward appearance. The mosques and other public buildings of the city, are, in most cases, very fine and imposing.

Damascus is essentially a commercial town. Lamartine gives the population at 300,000, of whom 30,000 are Christians. M'Culloch estimates it from 120,000 to 150,000, of whom 12,000 may be Christians, and as many Jews. Notwithstanding the number of Christians who inhabit this city, it was, till very lately, necessary for Europeans to assume the entire Turkish costume, in order to protect themselves from the fanaticism of the population of Damascus and the surrounding country. Now, however, the state of feeling is much improved, though it would not be prudent for Europeans to exhibit themselves in hats and coats to the fanatics who accompany the great caravan to Mecca.

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The fanaticism for which Damascus was notorious made it a suitable place for the prosecution which Saul intended to carry on there (Acts ix.). From the raging of the spirit which he intended to evoke, Saul himself, when he had joined the 'sect every where spoken against,' had no small difficulty to escape (2 Cor. xi. 32). The place retains reminiscences of that great man. Among its buildings is the convent of Paul's conversion,' and 'Paul's gate.' In the vicinity is an old tower with a window, said to be that from which his friends let the apostle down in the hour of peril (Acts ix. 25. 2 Cor. xi. 33). There is also to be seen in a street which is still called straight' or narrow, the house of Judas, in which Saul of Tarsus' is believed to have dwelt (Acts ix. 11). Not far distant, the traveller is pointed to the house of Ananias: before this is a well, from which the water is alleged to have been drawn, that was used in the baptism of Paul. On the road from Damascus to Jerusalem, about four hours from the city, there lies a grotto, which is so low as scarcely to allow a person to stand erect. In this Paul is held to have hid himself when he fled from Damascus. This, also, tradition makes to be the spot where the apostle, on his journey towards the city, was struck to the ground, and converted to Christ (Acts

ix. 3, 4). In the vicinity of this grotto are the remains of a convent.

These vestiges of ancient times show how deep was the impression which the facts of the gospel made on the minds of the early Christians, and so serve to reproduce its form, and give life to its shadow, as they appear before our eyes, rendered dull by the lapse of ages; and although cases there probably are in which these traditions no longer report the truth, or report more than the truth, yet, in general, they could not have arisen from nothing, nor have fixed themselves on fancies or fictions; and have, in our opinion, as good a chance of being correct, as the opinions of modern scepticism. At least, they form a part of the poetic element of sacred antiquities, which no wisejudging man would willingly part with, or 'let die.'

DAMNATION—from the Latin damnum, injury,' connected in derivation and mean. ing with the words damage and doom — signifies properly the act of condemning, or the state of being condemned, that is, adjudged to a certain loss, injury, or punishment, as being found guilty. Hence the word sets forth the act of a judge in declaring a prisoner guilty, and assigning the punishment he is to undergo; and, derivatively, may mean either the punishment itself, or the state of privation and pain which punishment superinduces. From human, the word passed to divine things; in which its import is similar to that already indicated. Before we go on to review the passages in which the word occurs, it is proper to remark that damnation' originally signified what is now meant by condemnation, as appears from the statement above given. This being the case, the term itself does not define who is the judge, who the criminal, or what the punishment; which things remain to be learned from the Sacred Scriptures. We make this remark because, by degrees, and the force of use, a specific meaning has been attached to 'damnation,' as denoting the endless pains of hell.

'Damnation' stands as the English of three Greek words: I. Of apoleia, which signifies loss, or perdition. It is rendered 'waste' in Matt. xxvi. 8, and Mark xiv. 4; where strictly it signifies nothing more than misapplication. In Matt. vii. 13, it is construed by destruction, and is spoken of those who enter the wide gate and the broad way. In John xvii. 12, it is applied to Judas, who is termed

the son of perdition. In 2 Pet. ii. 3, we find the word damnation' itself. The nature, degree, and duration of the evil which the term implies, are not determined by these passages. Hence we are not at liberty to assume, that it means either annihilation or eternal torments. The first it does not necessarily import, since it may signify mere waste or misapplication; and the assump

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