learning). In 1867 his lordship entered University College, Oxford, completing the usual course, and graduating M.A. (Modern History and Law) in 1871. On the death of his brother (the Sixth Earl) on January 27, 1870, the present Earl was at Oxford, where he remained until he graduated, notwithstanding his succession to the peerage.

The grandfather of the present Earl, as is well known, was one of the most distinguished Statesmen of his day, seeing many changes during a prolonged period (socially and politically), which, perhaps, illustrate each other. We may mention first that at one time it took him days, and at an enormous cost, to transport himself and suite from Aberdeen to London, although he lived to see the time when it could be done in but a few hours and at a comparatively small expense. This, to an extent, is a parallel to his political experiences. From a Minister of the old Tory school he became Foreign Minister in a transition Cabinet, and ultimately Premier in a Coalition Ministry, composed of Conservatives, Whigs, and Liberals, the latter being, however, of a rather different stamp to those who occupy positions in the present administration. At that critical period in our modern history the selection of the “noble Yearle of Aberdeen" (as his neighbours admiringly and affectionately called him) exemplified the wisdom of Her Majesty. Referring to the politics of the noble subject of our memoir his experiences are of somewhat the same character to those of his illustrious ancestor. Prior to his succession to the title, the Earl of Aberdeen had little occasion to pay much practical attention to politics, although he was prepared to give a kind of general adherence to Conservative views. He was accordingly elected to the Carlton Club. In the Session of 1876, however, Lord Aberdeen felt unable to vote with the Conservative Government on some of their principal measures, and when the Earls of Derby and Carnarvon resigned their offices in 1878, the Earl of Aberdeen heartily supported the views expressed by these eminent statesmen. In the debate on the Afghan War he spoke and voted against the Government of Lord Beaconsfield. These circumstances naturally led him with his thoughtful temperament to reconsider his political position, and it seemed but reasonable that he should thenceforward act with the Party with whose policy he found by experience that he was generally in accord. In 1879, therefore, the Earl of Aberdeen withdrew his

name from the Carlton Club, thus formally severing his connection with the Conservative Party, and with which, after all, his sympathy had at no time of his political career been of a very decided or pronounced kind.

With no small sense of relief the noble Earl found that he was now free to enrol himself among the supporters of the great Statesman who was one of the most intimate of his grandfather's friends and colleagues, and one whom he had himself known from childhood, and always admired. The courage necessary for severing one's self from a great political Party (not the least part of the difficulty being the knowledge that the intimate friendships of a lifetime are often imperilled), may scarcely be realised but by those who have personally gone through that trial. But Lord Aberdeen who is keenly sensitive on all points of honour could not continue longer to even nominally identify himself with a school of politicians which had, in his estimation, wandered so far afield from a strictly ethical political code.

Turning from the parliamentary to the social work of the Seventh Earl of Aberdeen, a man in his exalted position is almost necessarily associated with a multitude of ameliorative agencies. But there are two kinds of patronage. One, a cold, distant, and apathetic connection with any object; the other, genial, intimate, and enthusiastic. The Earl of Aberdeen's efforts in every good cause come within the latter description, for his patronage is sympathetic, practical, suggestive, e.g., Lord Aberdeen from his earliest recollection has taken a peculiar interest in Railways and Railway employés. The first occasion on which his lordship spoke in the House of Lords was on a motion relating to the adoption of certain improvements in the working of Railways. He was member of a committee which was appointed to consider the subject. In 1875, the Earl of Aberdeen was also elected a member of a Royal Commission to enquire into the subject of Railway Accidents and the best means for their prevention. After a great deal of evidence had been collected, the Chairmanship of the Commission became vacant by the appointment of the Duke of Buckingham as Governor of Madras. It being known that the Earl of Aberdeen had paid much attention to the subject he was appointed ChairThe Committee issued their Report early in 1877. In the autumn of the latter year Lord Aberdeen presided

man.

at the meeting of the Social Science Congress at Aberdeen, when he delivered the usual Inaugural Address, a discourse marked by an appreciative estimation of the objects of the gathering, and rare culture.

In 1877-78 the Earl of Aberdeen was a member of the Committee of the House of Lords on Intemperance, a movement in which he takes great interest. Continuing our purview of Lord Aberdeen's attitude with regard to subjects of a social character, it should be placed on record that his estates being somewhat extensive, he has during the past decade invested about £55,000 in improving them, mainly in erecting farm buildings. He has also given a great deal of attention to cottage building—especially for farm servants. About forty cottages have been erected by his lordship, mostly at a cost of some £130 to £150 each. As a further proof of his lordship's liberality we would state that these are let at what is practically a pepper-corn rent, viz., £3 per annum. In carrying out this beneficent work, the Earl of Aberdeen was following his father's views and example. The property is mainly if not wholly situated in Aberdeenshire.

With respect to the Societies-religious and otherwise— to which the Earl of Aberdeen belongs, we may mention first that he is a member of the Church of England, in connexion with which (owing to incidental circumstances) he was to a large extent brought up; although we believe that the family are traditionally associated with the National Scotch Church, and when at home Lord Aberdeen attends the Established Presbyterian Church. His lordship, however, is always ready to co-operate with the work of other Evangelical bodies, and has a share in supporting the other local Churches, nothing of a narrow or sectarian character limiting his lordship's works of charity and love. With regard to strictly eleemosynary or charitable organisations, we may state that the Earl of Aberdeen has for some years frequently taken an active part in the meetings of various Societies, notably those of the British and Foreign Bible Society, the Church Missionary Society, and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (Lord Aberdeen has presided at branch meetings of the latter Society). He is also Chairman of the Home for Little Boys at Farningham, President of the Home for Female Orphans, Chairman of Directors of the London and Provincial Coffee Palace Company (which is working well, and earning a dividend of

four per cent.), The Hon. Sec. is Mr. W. T. Paton. Lord Aberdeen is also on other Committees too numerous to mention.

There are, of course, various local efforts to promote the Master's cause, and the good of the people in Aberdeenshire, which are supported by the noble Earl, and who have, in a sense, the first claim on his lordship's attention. He has ever had a congenial co-worker in these things in his charming and accomplished consort-Lady Aberdeen. Her quiet, guiding influence is invaluable in maintaining such excellent agencies in a state of efficiency.

Regarding Lord Aberdeen's Church opinions he has always identified himself with what may be termed the great Evangelical Party of the days of Simeon, although he is associated with it in a non-party sense, and could never support the Church Association. Doubtless, the Presbyterian blood which flows through his veins has had something to do with moulding his theological views, but unlike most Scotch religionists, Lord Aberdeen is free from bigotry. He is one of the most enlightened of the younger generation of our old nobility, and is as conscientious with regard to his religious convictions, as he is in regard to his political, and which, as we have seen, prompted him to cross from the benches of a powerful Ministry to those of a misunderstood and misrepresented Opposition. When Lord Aberdeen enlisted under another political standard, it should be remembered that the army he joined was not then the victorious host, but one which the great majority looked upon as being defeated, unpopular, and never to again rally. This in itself is a convincing proof of the Earl of Aberdeen's conscientious and self-sacrificing devotion to duty. We expect, as he gets older, to see in his lordship a Statesman of equal calibre to his grandfather.

Lord Aberdeen married, in November, 1877, Isabel Maria, daughter of Sir Dudley Coutts Marjoribanks, Baronet, M.P., by which union he has two children, George, Lord Haddo (born January 20th, 1879), and Marjorie Adeline (born December 7th, 1880).

His lordship was appointed Lord Lieutenant of Aberdeenshire in the autumn of 1880.

THE HON. SIR CHARLES EDWARD POLLOCK.

THE name of Pollock will remain permanent in the history of this country, for the various members of this exceptional family have made their mark in more than one sphere of the public service. Originally springing from Scotland, the first of the family who came to England commenced work in London as a journeyman saddler, and lived to be saddler to George III., Mr. Laurie, (afterwards Sir Peter, Lord Mayor of London) being for a time his foreman. His eldest son was Sir David, Chief Justice of Bombay. His youngest son was Field Marshal, Sir George Pollock, Bart., K.C.B., Constable of the Tower, of Indian celebrity. The saddler's second son was the First Baronet (the late Right Hon. Sir Frederick Pollock, Lord Chief Baron of the Court of Exchequer). The Pollocks have been conspicuous, both in the Law and in the Army, as eminent servants of the public, and, as it was once well observed, "whatever their hand found to do they did it with their might."

Those of us who can remember (and it is not so very long ago) the Court of Exchequer of the days of the late Sir Frederick Pollock's Chief Baronship, will have noted vast changes as having taken place in that ancient tribunal. When the coram consisted of Sir Frederick Pollock, Sir William Fry Channell, Sir Gillery Pigott (all three of whom have gone to their rest), Sir George W. Bramwell (now Lord Justice Bramwell), and Sir James Plaisted Wilde (now better known as Lord Penzance), the novel description, "Exchequer Division of the High Court of Justice," would have been regarded as savouring of French rather than English sound, and, to write mildly, such an innovation would have been looked upon as in the highest degree detrimental to the dignified administration of Justice. It is perhaps well that Sir Frederick Pollock did not live to see the erratic reforms (?) for, as is well known, his lordship was a staunch upholder of the Constitutional institutions of the country, and it would have wounded him in his patriarchal old age to have witnessed such sweeping changes. The late Sir Frederick Pollock had eight sons (one of whom died in 1853), and of those who survive five are lawyers, one (Sir Richard) a Major-General in the Army and Knight of the Star of India, one (Dr. Julius) is one of the physicians to the Charing Cross Hospital, and Edward, the youngest, is