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Sessions and Registrar of the Diocese of Chester, by Lucy Charlotte, daughter of the Venerable Archdeacon Wrangham, F.R.S. He was born at the Deanery, Chester, on November 25th, 1838, and was educated at Shrewsbury School, afterwards proceeding to Trinity College, Cambridge, of which he was Scholar. Mr. Raikes graduated B.A. (Second Class in Classics) in 1860, and was M.A. in 1863. In the latter year the right honourable and learned gentleman was called to the Bar at the Middle Temple, and subsequently elected a Bencher of that Honourable Society in 1880.
Being possessed of independent means the subject of our sketch did not long continue to follow his profession, politics rather than legal polemics being his chosen career. We accordingly find him contesting Chester as a Constitutional candidate, in 1865, but he was unsuccessful in his efforts. In the following year Mr. Raikes contested Devonport, but with the same result. From that time forward the right honourable and learned gentleman began to take an active part in the organisation of Conservative and Constitutional Associations, especially among the new electors enfranchised by the Reform Bill of 1867, in which year he was elected Vice-Chairman of the Council of the National Union of Conservative and Constitutional Associations. A year later Mr. Raikes was elected Chairman, an office he retained until 1874. Going back to 1868 we find Mr. Raikes elected Member for the City of Chester, the majority he then had being more than a thousand. At the General Election of 1874, Mr. Raikes was re-elected (this time being first on the poll). The two opposing candidates were both Liberals, namely the Right Hon. John George Dodson and Sir Thomas Frost. The first of the two latter was returned as Mr. Raikes' colleague, the numbers respectively being, Raikes, 2,356; Dodson, 2,134; and Frost, 2,125. In 1874 Mr. Raikes was appointed Chairman of Ways and Means and Deputy Speaker of the House of Commons, which office he continued to hold until the Dissolution in March, 1880. Mr. Raikes was sworn in a Member of the Privy Council at Windsor Castle on March 18th, 1880. The right honourable gentleman was not re-elected for Chester at the last General Election, however, although he polled but 300 less votes than in 1874. The two successful candidates were Messrs. Dodson and Beilby Lawley. The subsequent invalidation of this clection by H.M.'s Judges, and
the report of the Bribery Commissioners, have since served to explain Mr. Raikes' last defeat at Chester.
During the time that Mr. Raikes was in Parliament, he had the opportunity of showing that he possessed both a legislative and a judicial mind; and it is eminently unsatisfactory to remember that such a man is not in the House of Commons, these characteristics, in combination, being very rarely seen. As Chairman of Committees, Mr. Raikes gave infinite satisfaction both to the nation and those individuals with whom he came into personal contact; and it is not too much to say, that he scarcely ever knew, during his Parliamentary life, what it was to have eight consecutive hours of repose. And in its earlier sessions, beyond his Parliamentary duties, technically so described, Mr. Raikes' association with Constitutional confraternities—notably, the Church Defence Institute—thrust an avalanche of labour upon the right honourable gentleman, which he need not have undertaken had he felt so inclined. During the period that Mr. Raikes may have been said to have been training himself for the important duties destined to devolve upon him as Chairman of Committees and Deputy Speaker-he accepted a responsible position in the defence of the Church of England, when menaced by the fall of the sister Establishment in Ireland. From 1867 to 1874 Mr. Raikes acted as Chairman of the Church Defence Institute. In addition to all this work, the right honourable subject of this memoir is a Governor of Shrewsbury School, a Magistrate and Deputy-Lieutenant for Flintshire, and a Magistrate for Cheshire. Mr. Raikes has also been occasional contributor to periodical literature, of articles on Public Business in the House of Commons and the Church in Wales.
Mr. Raikes married, in 1861, Charlotte Blanche, fourth daughter of C. Blayney Trevor Roper, Esq., of Plas Teg. Flintshire, by whom he has a numerous family:
VISCOUNT LYMINGTON, M.P.
THE Right Honourable Newton Wallop, Viscount Lymington, is the eldest son of the Fifth Earl of Portsmouth, by Lady Eveline Herbert, eldest daughter of the third, and sister of the present, Earl of Carnarvon. He was born at Hurstbourne Park, Hants, on January 19th, 1856, and was educated at Eton under Dr. Hornby, afterwards entering at Balliol College, Oxford, taking his B.A. degree in Honours (Classical and Modern History) in 1879, Professor Jowett being Master of Balliol.
We have seldom seen such a capacity for Statesmanship in so youthful a nobleman as the career of Lord Lymington has already disclosed. Even whilst at Oxford, and before he had entered the House of Commons, he evinced the greatest interest in all those grave questions which the majority of men only possess when they are entering their prime. As a practical commentary on this assertion we have only to remark that in 1878 (and when Lord Lymington had only just entered on his majority) he founded the Palmerston Club, at Oxford, its chief object being to consolidate the Liberal Party in the University. The first public celebration of this Club is now an historical gathering, Mr. Gladstone and Lords Coleridge, Selborne, and Granville taking part, and giving excellent and eloquent speeches. Lord Lymington was in the Chair, and although after his efforts in establishing the Club it was but to be expected that his lordship would have acquitted himself well, oratorically, yet all those who heard his series of speeches, or who afterwards read them, were surprised at his flow of language no less than at the wide reading and political intuitions which his remarks indicated.
Passing over a period of a couple of years, but during which a vast amount of work had been gone throughpolitical, social, philanthropic-by Lord Lymington, we find his lordship in the early part of 1880 successfully contesting Barnstaple in the Liberal interest. His opponent was the veteran Sir Robert Carden, who was, however, unsuccessful in his candidature. The vacancy occurred (prior to the Dissolution by the late Earl of Beaconsfield) through the resignation of Mr. Waddy, Q.C., who had essayed to contest Sheffield. A few weeks later this bye clection was rendered void through the resignation of the Conservative Administration, and the youthful Member found himself face to face with a fresh and even more formidable contest. His speeches during these electoral campaigns were characterized by all those thoughtful traits which for some time previously had rendered him an object of interest, especially to the men of his own county, and which had at once placed him in the van of that great political party with which the House of Portsmouth had for so long been associated. One of his lordship's addresses, which caused considerable comment at the time of its delivery, we give some extracts from, as showing his master-grasp of the subjects which he was discussing. His lordship, after dealing exhaustively with the temperance question, said: "I propose to touch on a subject which has long occupied, and will continue to occupy, public attention—I mean the political position of the Church of England. Gentlemen, as a member of that Church, I do not hesitate to say I am truly attached to her, for however she may have been misrepresented—often, unfortunately, by members of her own body-I believe her still to possess the spirit of toleration and the capacity for expansion. These are lessons that alone can be learned by an historical Church, and as long as she possesses these features, I believe she will, from the storehouse of her experience, gather the means of fulfilling those demands which the nation has a right to make of her. It is from this point of view that the Church of England becomes a national religious institution, and not the mere exponent of a prescribed dogma. It is from this point of view that the churchyard is God's Acre for the whole parish-and it is from this point of view I would approach Mr. Osborne Morgan's Bill. I need not detain you on this subject except to assure you that. I am prepared to give to that measure my heartiest and most conscientious support—and, gentlemen, I should oppose in the most uncompromising manner any of those amendments which might be introduced derogatory to the religious status of the Nonconformists-or any of those amendments which I see introduced in order to weaken the measure itself. For, apart from political considerations, apart from the gratitude which is due from every Liberal to that party who have so steadfastly and so firmly supported the principles of progress, I have been taught' to value, and I myself have learnt to appreciate, the good and honest work that by the Noncon
formists of this country is being daily contributed to the cause of religion and the cause of education. Gentlemen, I now propose to say a few words on the policy of the Afghan War. So much has already been said by my friends Mr. Cave and Mr. Waddy, on that subject, and said so ably and so clearly, that I feel it will be best for me only to say a very few words on the policy of the war. Gentlemen, I learn from Lord Lytton's dispatch of March, 1877, that henceforth the frontier policy of the Indian Government is to depend upon the general foreign policy of her Majesty's Government. From this we may fairly conclude that this Afghan War is not a war for merely Indian interests, but is part and parcel of the general foreign policy of her Majesty's Government. The change of policy that has now taken place is, as Lord Halifax remarked in the House of Lords, an entire reversal of the policy of cvery Indian Viceroy from the time of our last great disaster to the present day. Hitherto it has been the policy of every Indian Viceroy, supported by every Indian Ministry, to conciliate the rulers of the Afghans, and to make them our firm and steadfast friends. That policy gave us thirty-five years of peace.
“Scarcely thirty months of the new policy has plunged us into war. And let me ask you what it is we are told is the object of this war? The object, we are told, is to counteract the influence of Russia! Counteract the influence of Russia !! I suppose, gentlemen, we are to counteract it in the same manner as we counteracted her influence in Europe-by driving those who were our natural allies into her arms, and by placing them under her protection !!! The Afghans may be but a semi-civilized, or even a barbaric people, but it must be remembered that they are a brave race, decply imbued with a strong love of independence. Surely, gentlemen, that sentiment would have formed the best barrier against any possible Russian aggression. Doubtless, you know that Bokhara is in very near proximity to the frontier of Afghanistan, and when we consider the progress of Russian advance in that direction, it seems more than probable that ere long some cause of difficulty or cause of quarrel would have occurred on the frontier. On that occurrence the Afghans would have naturally looked to us for support. That seems to me the relative position in which we should stand towards the Afghansnot offending their national feelings, but respecting their