Of all human transactions of a political nature, the declaration of our independence may unquestionably be regarded as the most magnanimous and the most beneficial. For the production of this event, millions and millions of important events were made to conspire, through a long lapse of ages and centuries, and these events were probably few, compared with those, which were destined to flow from our independence. To the philosopher, to the patriotic American, to the friend of man, scarcely any object can be more interesting or important. Is it not strange is it not grievous, that a subject so momentous, a subject that is soon to be hailed and shouted through the world, should have received no more attention from the historic pen? The enemies of the colonists often accused them of desiring and What British commanders conducted an attack upon the fort on Sullivan's Island? In what year? 1776. What was the fort called, from that time? Fort Moultrie. What states obtained a respite from war by means of this repulse? How long? CHAPTER LII.—p. 177. Independence. What did the enemies of the colonists often accuse them of desiring and seeking? t seeking independence almost from the beginning. But this our fathers constantly, and no doubt sincerely denied, with the most solemn professions of loyalty to the king of England. When oppressed, they wished to cast off the yoke of oppression, but not of allegiance. It does not appear, that the Writs of Assistance, in '61, or the Sugar Act in '64, or the Stamp Act in '65, or the British declaration in '66, of their right to bind the colonies in all cases whatever, or the quadruple Revenue Act in '67, or keeping standing armies among them in '68 and at other times, or the Boston Massacre in '70, or the crafty and insidious tea-expedition in "73, or the Boston Port Bill in "74, or its dreadful operation in '75 and "76, or the many aggressions and abominations of the royal governors it does not appear, that any of these injuries at the time of perpetration, or all of them together, till some time after, induced our most ardent patriots to think seri How did they answer it? Can you mention some of their grievances, that seemed sufficient to make them wish for independence? Can you mention the dates of some of them? For what object did they fight at Lexington, Concord, West Cambridge and Charlestown? Who nas represented Independence as having been born in '61 ? What did he probably mean by that expression? That an event took place, which was most eminently conducive to independence. How does it appear, that he did not then consider the Bostonians determined upon independence? What associations would the pa In Nov. 1775, Richard Penn, Gov. of Pa. whom Congress had sent with their petition to the king, was exuined before the House of Commons upon this very point. He there solemnly testified, that he did not believe, that ConMr.gress had formed any designs of independence. ously of a separation from Britain. When they fought and bled at Lexington, at Concord, at West Cambridge, at Charlestown-when they mustered by tens of thousands in the region of Boston, it was not for independence, but to repel injuries and obtain redress." Adams has indeed represented, that Independence was born at Boston in '61. Yet he could not mean, that any one at that time, had a serious design or thought of independence. For in '75, he declared, "There is not a man in the province among the whigs, nor ever was, who harbors a wish of that sort," (a wish for independence.) Again, "our patriots have never determined or desired to be independent states." Though a train of mighty causes had been preparing the way for independence, yet it is manifest from the measures, which they adopted, they had no such object in view. "Had independence been their object," says Dr. Ramsay, "even at the commencement of hostilities, they would have rescinded the associations for non-importation, and imported more largely than ever. Common sense revolts at the idea, that colonists, unfurnished with military stores, and wanting manufactures of every kind, should, at the time of their intending a serious struggle for independence, by a voluntary agreement, deprive themselves of the obvious means of procuring such foreign supplies, as their circumstances might make necessary." From such a state of loyalty, there was a sudden transition in favor of separation. In the course of three or four short months, the whole population of the colonies became almost unanimous in favor of independence. This appears to be one of the most remarkable events that ever transpired in the universe of thought. I know not, that any one has fully accounted for it; and yet perhaps, strange as it is, it is not altogether unaccountable. The Governor of the world appears to have made in his provi dence, the most wonderful arrangements for just such an event. Oppressed, mocked, grieved and exasperated, as the colonists had been, many of them must have sighed in secret for independence, if it had not appeared impracticable for independence, that they durst not name to their nearest confidants. For in the way of declar ing and maintaining independence, there seemed to be difficulties, ap This last ineffectual petition, to which the king and his ministers, would not deign to give an answer, was styled the OLIVE BRANCH. triots have rescinded, if they had had independence in view? Who was examined before the House of Commons upon this point? What did Gov. Penn testify? What sudden transition then took place in the minds of the colonists? What had appeared in the way of independence? What if these difficulties could have been removed? By what measures, in "75, did the British render our situation desperate? When did intelligence of these acts reach the colonies? With what effect? What indignity was shown to the king's speech? the wavering became resolved; the timid grew bold; and the lovers of peace were willing to gird on the harness of war. On this stupendous occasion, the conduct of Congress was as prudent and cautious, as their feelings were ardent and energetic. Though probably most of them were convinced that such a measure was palling to the stoutest heart. Could these have been removed, we should probably have declared independence many years before. It only remained, then, for the British to render our situation desperate to leave us nothing to hope from a further connexion. This they did, chiefly by two measures, which they adopted in Dec. 1775. One was an act to employ 16,000 Hanoveri-indispensable, they were far from an Mercenaries against the colonists; and the other, an act to exelude the colonists from British protection. was adopted by Congress, May 10. Being immediately communicated by the Provincial Assemblies and Conventions, it was acted upon, and governments were generally established accordingly. This was perhaps the greatest stride towards a general declaration of independence through the land. Nay, it seems little short of a virtual declaration of independence by each of the Colonial Assemblies, who complied with the recommendation. hurrying the declaration of independence. In the first place, they recommended to the respective colonies to form such constitutions Near the beginning of March of colonial government, as each 1776, intelligence of these acts should judge conducive to the pubreached the colonies. The indig-lic good. This recommendation nation, occasioned by them, among all classes, can scarcely be imagined. The king's speech was condemned, and ordered to be burnt in the centre of the camp at Cambridge. Before this, the king had been treated with the utmost respect, affection and loyalty; and all the sufferings, which the colonists had endured from British oppression, had been ascribed to ministers and to parliament, as their authors. But now the king is represented as equally abominable. The burning of his speech seems to have lighted the fires of independence throughout the land. These fires were every where fanned by the breath of popular enthusiasm, while new fuel was supplied from a thousand sources. By means of pamphlets and newspapers, light and heat upon this subject, were flashing far and wide. Generally speaking, Under the influence of Congress, the Provincial Assemblies took up the question of independence; and all except Pa. Md. and N. Y. were in favor of immediate separation from Britain. Measures had also been taken, to ascertain the sense of the people; which was expressed in instructions to their representatives in the Colonial Assem How had the colonists treated the king before? What alteration was then made in their banners? They were distinguished by 13 stripes. For what? To show the union of the 13 colonies. Conduct of Congress on that occasion ? measure. blies, and was generally in favor of independence. In S. C. the people were peculiarly ardent for this In Va. the public sense was so decisive, that the convention not only instructed their representatives to move the resolution in the grand Council of the continent, but declared that colony an independent state, before the measure was sanctioned by Congress. What did they desire the colonists to form? How was this desire treated? Toward what, does this appear to have been the greatest stride? Of what, does it seem little short? Of what bold measure, were most of the colonies in favor? What Convention instructed their individuals, whose principles were The motion, having been made on Friday, was discussed on Saturday the 8th, and on Monday the 10th of June. The discussion was then postponed to the 1st of July. This was done for farther consideration, and with the hope of more perfect unanimity. On the first of July, the subject was resumed, agreeably to assignment, and discussed for four days. Of this awfully interesting scene Mr. Webster has given us a most striking miniature picture.t The public opinion having been thus extensively and decidedly manifested in favor of independence, the next step in Congress was to make the motion for the declaration. This was done on the 7th of June, by Richard Henry Lee, of Va. a star of the first magnitude in the constellation of our worthies. It was in the following words, Resolved, that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states, and that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved. This resolution was seconded by John Adams, of Ms. "This public and unequivocal proposal, from a man of his virtue and shining qualities, appeared to spread a kind of sudden dismay. A silent astonishment, for a few minutes, seemed to pervade the whole assembly." And here the reader may be expecting to find, that this resolution was immediately and unanimously adopted. This was by no means the case. Though there had been such an expression in favor of independence, yet, says + See discourse on Adains and Dr. Ramsay, 'some respectable | Jefferson, p. 36. "Let us, then," says he, " bring before us the assembly, which was about to decide a question, thus big with the fate of empire. Let us open their doors, and look in upon their deliberations. survey the anxious and care-worn countenances; let us hear the firmtoned voices, of this band of patriots. Let us HANCOCK presides over the solemn sitting; and one of those, not yet prepared to pronounce for absolute independence, is on the floor, and is urging his reasons for dissenting from the declaration. 'Let us pause! This step, once taken, cannot be retraced. This resolution, once passed, will cut off all hope of reconciliation. If success attend the arms of England, we shall then be no longer colonies, with charters, and with privileges; these will all be forfeited by this act; and we shall be in the condition of other conquered people, at the mercy of the conquerors. For ourselves, we may be ready to run the hazard; but are we ready to carry the country to that length? Is success so probable as to justify it? Where is the military, where the naval power, by which we are to resist the whole strength of the arm of England? for she will exert that strength to the utmost. Can we rely on the constancy and perseverance of the people? or will they not act, as the people of other countries have acted; and wearied with a long war, submit, in the end, to a worse oppression? While we stand on our old ground, and insist on redress of grievances, we know we are right, and are not answerable for consequences. Nothing, then, can be imputable to us. if we now change our object, carry our pretensions further, and set up for absolute independence, we shall lose the sympathy of mankind. We shall no longer be defending what But we possess, but struggling for something, which we never did possess, and which we have solemnly and uniformly disclaimed all intention of pursuing, from the very outset of the troubles. Abandoning thus our old ground of resistance only to arbitrary acts of oppression, the nations will believe the whole to have been mere pretence, and they will look on us, not as injured, but as ambitious, subjects. shudder, before this responsibility. It will be on us, if relinquishing the ground we have stood on so long, and stood on so safely, we now proclaim independence, and carry on the war for that object, while these cities burn, these pleasant fields whiten and bleach with the bones of their owners, and these streams run blood. It will be upon us, it will be upon us, if failing to maintain this unseasonable and ill-judged declaration, a sterner despotism, maintained by military power, shall be established over our posterity, when we ourselves, given up by an exhausted, a harassed, and misled people, shall have expiated our rashness, and atoned for our presumption, on the scaffold.' It was for Mr. Adams to reply to arguments, like these. We know his opinions and we know his character. He would commence with accustomed directness and earnest |