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given to the jury? Or, in general terms, ted States, which is attacked in the perfon can the truth of a publication for which a of its higheft officer. Befides, a libel on ny man is indicted, be by him given in ev any private citizen of any other ftate, idence to the jury as a juftiñcation? As could not be profecuted in a court of this there had been no neglect on the part of ftate, unless the perfon libelled, was at the Mr. Crofwell-as the ftipulation could not time refident here; for it has no tendency weigh one feather against the application as to a breach of the peace here, which ten it would be the height of injustice and per-dency is the very ground of this profecution. The offence, therefore, mentioned in the indictment, arifes merely from the relation in which the people of this ftare fland to the prefident of the United States; and confequently, is what the law denominates a public libel, or a libel on the gov



fecution to force a man to a trial, upon the
event of which fines and imprifonment
might follow, without giving him reafona-
ble time to procure all evidence admiffible
and material to his defence; and as his
honor Judge Lewis had placed the propri-
ety of the prefent motion on the competen-
cy or incompetency of the evidence men-
tioned in the affidavit, they concluded that,
if that evidence (which was evidence of
the truth of the publication for which Mr.
C. was indicted) could be given to the ju-
ry, then the poftponment of the trial would
of courfe be granted. If that evidence
could not be admitted-if the truth was no
juftification, and could not be given in ev-
idence, then it would be refufed. In dif
culling this part of the fubject, they faid
they fhould not take into confideration the
law on private libels. One fpecies of pri-
vate libels, to wit, thofe which publifhed
the perfonal or mental deles merely of
private individuals, which thofe individu-
als could neither remedy nor prevent, it
was certainly proper to punifh; and per-
haps, in fuch cafe, the truth ought to be no
juftification. But, they faid, it was unne-
ceffary to difcufs that fubje&t; for this
was evidently a public libel-a libel on
Thomas Jefferfon, as prefident of the Uni
ted States; not on Thomas Jefferfon, fim-
ply, as a citizen of Virginia. Upon the
very face of the indictment, this was appa-
rent. The indictment charged that Har-
ry Crofwell, "wickedly and feditiously
intending and defigning to detract from
Thomas Jefferfon, prefident of the United
States; and to reprefent him as unworthy
of the confidence, refpect and attachment
of the people," &c.-and to alienate and
withdraw from the faid Thomas Jefferfon,
Elquire, prefident as aforefaid, the obedi-
ence, fidelity and allegiance of the citizens
of the ftate of New-York, and alfo of the
faid Unitid States; and wickedly and fe-
ditioufly to difturb the peace and tranquil-
ity, as well of the people of the ftate of
New-York as of the United States," &c.
The offence charged, therefore, is a wick-
ed and feditious defign and intent to alien-ifts as oppreffors and tyrants, and furiouf-
ate and withdraw from Mr. Jefferion the ly endeavored to excite the hatred of the
allegiance, obedience and fidelity of the people against them, for having paffed the
people. But the people owe no" allegi-edition-law, which admits the truth in
ance, obedience or fidelity" to T. Jefferson,
evidence; yet, having rifen to a "little
as T. Jefferson or merely as a citizen of brief authority," has ftriven with all the
Virginia. It is the prefident of the U. S.
violence of a fury, to enforce the British
to whom allegiance is due. It is obvious,
common law, which does not admit the
therefore, that the offence, as charged,is an truth in evidence; and, in this way, to
offence against the government of the Uni-
establish a principle that would effectually






you know
a man, who, from
being a furious and perfecuting federalift,
fuddenly became a furious and perfecuting
democrat? Do you know a man, who,
with boiling zeal, profeffed to believe that
the falvation of this country depended on
federal measures; but having been difap.
pointed of obtaining a certain lucrative.
office that he coveted, inftantly wheeled a-
bout, and now damns the cause which he
once applauded? Do you know a man
who extolled Gov. Jay to the skies, till his
excellency, knowing his turpitude, denied
him an office for which he had made him-
felf a candidate; and who then immedi-
ately vented against Mr. Jay the fouleft
curfes, and has ever fince been loading
him with reproaches? Do you know a
man who formerly poured forth a torrent
of curfes against Gov. Clinton, and revil-
ed his character with every epithet of de-
teftation and contempt; and who now,
having received a fop, afts the fycophant
toward his excellency-and, were it in
his power, would throw any one into a
dungeon, that fhould utter the hundredth
part of the reproaches against the perfon
or the adminiftration of Mr. Clinton,
which he has uttered him felf? Do you
know a man who denounced the federal-

prevent the communication of neceffary information to the people? Do you know a man, who, having alternately been of both political parties, was, and is, the most intolerant, the mot violent, the most furious, the mot malignant, among the party to which did, and among the party to which he does belong?

If you know a man who exhibits all these characteristic then you know a Jacobin. SIMON THE TANNER.

"IN the fhipwreck of the flate, trifles float and are preferved; while every thing folid and valuable finks to the bottom, and is loft for ever."


Balance Closet.

The piece, that was republished last week in the Bee, from the Albany Register, is well known, from a particular circumstance. to have been written by the Attorney-General, Spencer, or through agraph therein will be made, whenever circumstanhis agency. Some comment upon a particular parces shall render it proper.

We have received a communication from "ONEIDA," intimating that we erred in ascribing to Walker, printer of the Utica democratic paper, the editorial articles which appear in that "well conducted and truly republican paper." Our correspondent informs us, that Walker employs one Nicholson as an editor, at the enormous salary of SIXTY DOLLARS per annum and that to this editor the world is indebted for all the smart things (both in prose and verse) which appear in his paper. The communication closes with the following query and answer :

Query. If Walker needs the assistance of such sixty-dollar-talents to conduct his paper, pray what must his own talents be?

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Tis neceffary to pull the fruit two or three days before you begin the process.

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The pears and apples, when forted and dried, muft be wrapped up feperately, in foft wrapping paper. Twift it clofely about the fruit. Then lay clean ftraw at the bottom, and a layer of fruit; then a layer of straw; and so on, till your veffel|| be full but you must not put more than a dozen in each jar; it more, their weight will bruife thofe at the bottom.

Peaches and apricots are beft stored up, wrapped each in foft paper, between the fruit, and alfo the layers. Grapes muit be flored in the jar, with fine fhred paper, which will keep one from touching the other, as much as poffible. Five or fix bunches are the moft which fhould be put into one jar; if they are large not fo many for it is to be underitood, that, whenever you open a jir, you must use, that day, all the fruit that is in it.

Monitorial Department.

Strawberries, as well as peaches, fhould have fine fhred paper under, and between them, in the place of ftraw, which is onl to be used for apples and pears. Put in the ftrawberries and the paper, layer by layer. When the jar is full, put on the topper, and have it well hated round, fo A comas perfectly to keep our the air. position of rofin, or grafting wax, is beft: let none of it get within the jar, which is to be placed in a temperate cellar. Be

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OTHING more betrays a pride grafted on folly, than to defpfe labour: nothing leads to more ruinous confequenTake care not to bruife the fruit, and ces, than to bring up children in habits to pull them before they be quite ripe. of iclenefs and diffipation. Riches are lo Spread them on a little clean ftraw, to uncertain, and fo hequently change owndry them. This is beft done on a floor,ers, that it is a point of neceffary prudence leaving the windows open to admit fresh to educate the children even of wealthy to educate the children even of wealthy air, fo that all the moisture on the fkin of families, in habits of industry and econothe fruit may be perfectly dried away. my otherwife they will foon diffipate the fortunes, which their fathers had hoarded; and will become ten-fold wretched than the poor man, who has been accustomed to earn his bread by his daily


Pears and apples take three days-ftrawberries only twenty-four hours. Take the largest and fairest fruit. Choofe a common earthen jar, with a stopper of the fame, which will fit clofe. There mufl not be more than a pound (of strawberries) in each jar.



"He that has a trade, has an estate."

Poftlethwayt's Dictionary records a very remarkable flory, which used to be told by George the firft.-It is recommended as a profitable leffon to young people, and to thofe parents in particular, who at tach the idea of meanness to all kinds of manual labour; and are more intent on leaving fortunes to their children or giving them a fashionable rank, than on learning them to be induftrious, prudent and ufelul members of fociety.


and would have two fuch great eftates, but to a man who had a manual trade, by which he might fubfift if drove from his country. The young lord was mafier of none at prefent, but rather than lofe his miftrefs, he requested only a year's time, in which he promiled to acquire one; in order to which, he got a bafket maker, the moft ingenious he could meet with, and in Gix months he became mafter of his trade of basket-making, with far greater im. provements than even his teacher himself; and as a proot of his ingenuity, and extra. ordinary proficiency in fo fhort a time, he brought to his young lady a peice of workmanship of his own performance, being a white twig basket, which for many years after became a general fashion among the ladies by the name of dreffing baskets, brought hither to England from Germany

and Holland.

To complete the fingularity of this rela tion, it happened fome years after this no. bleman's marriage, that he and his father. in-law, fharing in the misfortunes of the Palatinate, were drove naked out of their flates; and in Holland, for fome years, did the young lord maintain both his fath er in-law and his own family, by making baskets of white twigs to fuch an unpara leled excellency as none could attain; and it is from this young German lord, the Hollanders derive thofe curiofities which are ftill made in the United Provinces, of twig-work."

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"About the year 1615, there was a Nobleman in Germany, whofe daughter was coured by a yourg Lord. When he had made fuch progiefs in this affair as is ufual by the interpofition of friends, the old lord had a conterrence with him, afking him how he intended, if he married his daughter, to maintain her? He replied equal to her quality. To which the father replied, that was no anfwer to his question? he defied to know what he had to maintain her with ? To which the young loid then anfwered,ally built within half a mile of the Dea ware. The fecieties of Friends, Epifco he hoped that was no queftion; for his inheritance was as public as his name. palians, Methodils and Baptifs have pa cious and neat buildings for public wor old lord owned his poffeffions to be great, but fill asked, if he had nothing more le- hip. There are alfo two Academies, a cure than land, wherewith to maintain hisFree School, which educates 25 poor daughter? The queflion was flange, but drén, a Cay-Hall, with a Town Clock, Market Houfe, Public Library incorpora ended in this; that the father of the young lady gave his pofitive refolve, nev-ted in 1743, a Jail, Brewery and Nail Man er to marry his daughter, though his heir,ufactory.

THE Island of Burlington, in the flate of New-Jerfey, (a mile in length, and three quarters in breadth) contained in the year 1789, one hundred and fixty houfes and 1100 inhabitants, in 1797 two hundred and touricen houses, and 1714 inhabitants; And now, 1803, there are 282 houfes and 2 256 inhabitants. The houfes are gener




[Our readers were informed, in the last Balance, of the manner in which a manuscript, originally sent to the Bee for publication, had been put into our hands. They were also informed that the piece would appear in this paper, unless orders were given to the contrary. the following introductory remarks from the au We have since received thor, with permission to publish the piece.]

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THE opinion that the national high court of impeachment, is fufficient to correct the errors of all the officers of our government, who are impeachable," has been very lately confidently advanced, in answer to thofe who claim the right of inveftigating publicly the conduct of our rulers, and arraigning them at the bar of the people. The argument is a fhort one, and, if correct, will certainly be productive of great pleasure to every lover of liberty. If that court is fufficient," fay the advocates of the powers that be, "then why fhould you federalifts interfere ? When the power of in peachment is preferved by your reprefentatives, you are fate the country is fate-liberty is fale. You must not prefume to canvals the measures of government: You muff not arraign the conduct of our rulers, because, in fo doing, you interfere with the right of the court of impeachment. You affume a corrective power, which the conftitution has placed in other hands.' This argument I believe to be wholly falJacious and pregnant with mifchief; and obferving that a correfpondent of the Bee, had adopted the fentiment in its greate latitude, and inviting any one, through the fame channel, to oppofe it, I fubmited the following piece to Mr. Holt. It was believed that, as Mr. Holt had fanétioned the invitation and made it his own, by publifhing it in his paper, he would not hefitate to publifh the answer. mentioned to me by a friend, to whom I It was fhewed the piece, that Holt durft not publith it. I had, however, an honorable confidence in human nature, and believed that no man who made pretenfi ns to any character, could be guilty of an &t of fuch has not until lately been advanced or heard I ought to premife, that this doctrine meanness, of fuch miferable difingenuoufof-that even during that period, which nefs as I have now witnelled in this fame Holt. The Balance of laft week difplaysthet" has been caufelefsly igmatized by the epthe bafenefs of his conduct. It is as far publicans were fo highly alarmed at the beneath animadverfion, as he is beneath alledged power and prerogatives of prefiReign of Terror," when the rerefentment. He was probably meant for a man--therefore, I pity and difmifs him. dent Adams, at the unconflitutional ram-But to the readers of that paper, it will adopted to fhield him from wi ful and falf parts raised around him, and the measures be proper to fav one word. When an editor places himself in a fituation, which flander, never did the federabits advance fuch an argument, in juft.fication of their

The Balance.


deters him from publifhing truth, does he
deserve any confidence? When he fears
to lay both fides of a queflion before his
readers, does he merit any fupport ?-
Do you, gentlemen, give him fupport
with a defign that he fhall keep from you
every thing but that which he extracts
from the Aurora or Citizen, or which is
coined by men whom he dares not difo-
bey? If this paper fhould fall into the
hands of any one of you, he is earnestly
requested to read the following obferva
tions then to
laft week, and lay if your editor any lon-
recur to the Balance of
ger deferves your approbation-if, by an
does not richly merit the deteftation and
act of meannefs without a parallel, he has
not forfeited all title to candour, and if he
contempt of all honeft men.






doubt, you will give publicity.
An Hudonian ;" to which, I cannot

The principal article of this creed is con-
tained in the following words:



creed, and wifhes that any error which may
N your paper of Tuefday laft,
“An Hudfonian" has given his political
be feen in it, fhould be pointed out
"through the fame channel." The pub.
lication of this performance, in your pa
per, I confider to be an acquiefcence in
the invitation. I fhall, therefore, trouble
you with a few remarks, in anfwer. In a
government, depending for its permanence
upon public opinion, it is of infinite mo-
ment that correct principles be eftablith-
ed. And, if fentiments be publicly ad-
vanced, pregnant with mifchief, it is the
right, perhaps the duty of any individuct,
you therefore the following fincere, tho'
within the fphere of their circulation, to
difp.ffionate remarks upon the creed of
oppofe and correct them. I fubmit to


I believe that the national high court of impeachment, as eftablished by the "Conflitution of the United States, is

fufficient to corre&t the errors of all of"ficers of government, who are impeach"able."


conduct. Nay, it during that period, it had been advanced, I am fatisfied every one who called himself a republican, would have seen in it the feeds of a fyftem calculated to deftroy all executive relponsibility to the people.

We fhould beware then, leaft confiding too much in the men, who now manage our affairs, we yield a principle and estab. lith a protection which bad men may ufe to the worst of purposes. We fhould be. ware, left in a paroxifm of joy and gratitude to our prefent rulers, we, like the Dutch, who adored their Prince, offer up our rights at the shrine of affection.


fufficient fecurity, it follows, conclufive. Prefident's liability to impeachment is a If the argument be correct, that the ly, that the prefent mode of electing that officer, at ftated periods, is idle-a farce at moft. For, of what use can elections be, if the electors are not permitted to be informed of the private and official behav iour of him whom they are to ele&t? If this court of impeachment is fufficient ernment,' to correct the errors of all officers of govbe held at flated periods ?-or indeed why why are elections directed to elections at all? Why not make him Prefident for life, fubject to removal by conviction on impeachment? Or, at least, why not take the right of election of Prefilent from the People, and lodge it at once in Congrefs? It "impeachment is ident," as the creed intimates, why was fufficient to correct all errors of the Pref. not fomething like this done and the trouPeople, faved? No-the fages, who fram ed our conflitution, thought otherwife. ble and expence of his election, by the They thought, and fo they exprelfed their thoughts in the conflitution, that although impeachment might grafp and punish the overt act, the maturity of crimes-fill, fome more filent, more fure and perfect corrective was neceffary to fweep away the first ymptoms of corruption, to deftroy every traitorous plot in embryo, and to eftablish a more peiteêt refponfibility of the Prefident to his conftituents. Such a corrective is periodical elections.

The government of the United States,
as of the individual States, is a govern-
ment of the People. And the executive,
which Mr. Jefferfon has very properly
termed the monarchical department of the
government, has always been reprefented
as peculiar for its fondneís of power and
confequently of making encroachments
upon the rights, not only of the popular
departments, but allo of the people them.
felves. For the purpofe of counterbalan-
the four years for which he is elected, he
cing the influence, which by patronage
and otherwile the prefident may obtain,
the conftitution has provided, that during
At the termination of this period, it has
may be removed for mal-adminiftration.

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alfo provided, that the people may either elect or reject him as they are pleafed or difpleafed either with his public or private conduct, or both. When Congress exercife their right of impeachment, every enquiry is made, full investigation is had, before the Prefident is convicted, removed, or acquitted. And for the fame reafon, and by the fame rule, that the Senate, when judging him on impeachment, fhould have correct and full information of his conduct, ought the people, when they exercile their right of ELECTING or REJECTING, to have correct information, to have the truth told them, that they may exercife that important right with propriety and fafety. They fhould know the whole conduct of their Prefident, the whole truth fhould be laid before them, which never can happen if truth itfelf is a libel, according to the doctrine advanced in the cafe of Crofwell.

The Prefident's liability to impeachment, therefore, fo tar from being a sufficient fecurity, fo far from being intended. to fhield his conduct from public investigation, is defigned to render him more dependant upon the people. Firft, he is dependant on the people for an election for the term of four years. During that time, was there no fuch thing as an impeachment, he would be firmly feated in power and independent of his conftituents.But by means of impeachment, he is every moment dependant upon them; for during that time, they, by their reprefentatives, may impeach and remove him, And at the expiration of that time, it the people do not like his character or his meafures, they may refufe to elect him. Thus he is in every refpe&t emphatically the man of the people.

But it is eafily feen that by acceding to the principle, that IMPEACHMENT IS SUFFICIENT TO CORRECT EVERY ERROR of every officer who is impeachable, the people yield the right of inveftigating the conduct, of publifhing, even the truth, of their rulers. And it is as eafily to be feen that if this right is yielded, the people can never exercife their right of election underftandingly. And, furely, in fuch a ftate of things, the right of fuffrage would not be worth preferving. One check upon power, which the conflitution has provided, would thus be undermined. Its fubftance would be gone forever, and its form would exift only to remind us of our folly.

and libertines; fuppofe, he fhould refuse all converfation with the grave men of our land, and fill his councils with profli. gate favorites, feditious foreigners, the refufe of other nations; fuppofe, he should publicly profefs infidelity, and patronize atheifm; and thus, by his pernicious example, corrupt the morals and religion of the republic, whofe only fure foundation is the People's virtue; fuppofe, he should remove from office the beft men, and fill their places with the worft; fuppofe, by lowing the feeds of corruption in the legiflature, and by availing himfelf of their ignorance and paffions, and of his own extenfive influence, he fhould induce them to pafs laws, violating the conftitution, and deftructive to the public good; fuppofe, that with the confent of fuch a legiflature, he fhould fquander away millions of the public property. All these cafes, and a multitude of others, impeach-refpondent's ment cannot reach. What then is the remedy? If the truth cannot be told, if fuch conduct cannot be held up to the view of the people, either through the prefs, or through verbal difcuffion, or both, thofe evils can never be corrected. Crimes may be committed with impunity, deftructive of national honor, degrading to national character. The adminiftration, exalted above the reach of popular inveftigation, fecure from impeachment, would feel no restraint, would riot in licentiousnefs, leed on corruption, and there would be none to make them afraid.


But, Mr. Holt, let me afk your correfpondent, for what is the Prefident impeachable? For treafon, bribery, and other high crimes and mifdemeanours. Suppose, then, the Prefident fhould become a drunkard; fuppofe, he fhould give himself up to the gratification of his paffions, and make the houfe, furnished by the country, a feraglio, the haunt of rakes

Such is the inefficiency of impeachment, even when promptly and rigidly exercifed. What then muft it be, when we confider, that the Prefident and his Congrefs are generally of one party; and that it will feldom it ever happen, that they who perhaps participate in his iniquities, would become honeft accufers or upright judges of their leader? Muft it not be a mere fhade, a thing of found but not of fubftance? Shall I be answered that this ftate of things is imaginary, that it can never be realized? Let experience fpeak.

The republican party (with you and your correfpondent) believed that Mr. Ad


ishment was ever inflicted. No, the refort was immediately to the people. 'Twas the prefs, which enabled the party to raise fuch a turmoil in the country.-And, by an unbridled ufe of the prefs, they obtain. ed the victory. If the Prefident's lia. ity to impeachment is fufficient to corre his errors, how happened it, in a flate of things defcribed, as fo portentous of ill, THE PEOPLE, not the high court of im peachment, were reforted to. Why dick not avail to correct the alledged errors and crimes of the Adams adminiftration. Your correfpondent will probably anfwer, that a majority of Congrefs were of the fare) party, had participated in his errors, and that, had impeachment been attempie, they would have fhielded and proteas him. No other anfwer can be given by his accufers. And this completely expo fes the error, the weakness, of your cor creed. For if fuch a state of things has exifted-and exifted too, in the very infancy of our government, why fhall fay it will not again occur? Where then is the SECURITY of IMPEACHMENT? Where do we find its SUFFICIENCY to correct the errors of our officers ? No, if fuch a late of things, as the republicans repre fented, and now reprefent, that of the Adams adminiftration, fhould again occur, and the truth might not be published, the adminiftration might progrels in its iniqui ties with fafety-our liberties be deftrop. ed, and our all be gone, before a whifper of danger could reach our ears.

was guilty of the moft atrocious crimes against his country. Not only, all the cafes above fuppofed, but actual impeachable crimes, and grofs violations of the conftitution, were charged upon him. The evils of his adminiftration were declared to be intolerable; and accufations of unheard of crimes were publifhed, repeated and reiterated-infomuch that the day of Mr. Jefferfon's election was hailed as the day of deliverance from Aristocracy, Corruption, Monarchy and Ruin.

Yet numerous as were the grievances complained of, enormous as were the iniquities faid to be practifed, high as the public execration actually was, no impeachment was ever moved for, no pun

The liberties of all free nations have been fubverted by tho fe in whom the people implicitly confided. ple implicitly confided. THIS IMPOR TANT TRUTH IS STAMPED, IN GLARING CAPITALS, ON THE TOMB-STONE OF EVERY DEPARTED REPUBLIC. The People, in a paroxism of affection and gratitude, felect fome one who, as they believe, can do no wrong, lodge rights and powers in his hands, protect him from public inveti gation, and in fome evil moment, when, with the firen fong of "The People, "The People," he has foothed their jeal oufy and palfied their vigilance, he intrenches himself in power and authority and fets at defiance all refponfibility.Ambition prompts the demagogue to court and flatter the people; and, by that court fhip and flattery, the road to defpotifm is plain and certain. Thus, Cæfar became the defpot of Rome. Thus, the Republic of England was fubverted by Cromwell; and thus, latterly Bonaparte has fubverted

the liberties of France.


We have nothing to fear from thofe we diflruft-every thing from thofe whom we delight to honor. Of the former we think it the most brilliant of our privile ges to speak and print as we like of the latter we are affiduous to hide the faults. But, when their tools demand, that we fhould not fuffer even the truth to be told

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of them, it is time-it becomes our impe
rious duty, to be watchful; with tempe.
rate jealoufy, and unfleeping vigilance, to
fcrutinize not only every fufpicious meal-
ure, but every fufpicious fentiment.
this fubject it is a natural enquiry, why
are the party in power fearful of TRUTH,
fince they can punish FALSHOODS? Why
do they fhrink from examination fince they
profefs, by that, to have acquired their
prefent power? Why do they tremble at
a free prefs, fince they declare that their
officers are faultlefs and their meafures ad-
mirable? Do the very weapons, which
they ufed with fo much effect and AL-
LEDGED propriety, become illegal in the
hands of their adverfaries? Or are thofe,
who file themfelves Republicans, to in-der
dulge in the groffeft adulation, the moft
fervile flattery of thofe in power, and their
adverfaries to incur the thunders of
democracy, the penalties of the British
law, fines, imprifonment, branding and
cropping, if they prefume to publifh to the
THE TRUTH? The omens are portentous !
We know not whether Rome will be
free when the Rubicon is paffed. But
this we do know, that it is our duty to
meet our invaders on its banks, and by at
least one manly fruggle, to defend from
pollution thofe liberties and that conftitu-cular



Hudfon, Auguft 11th, 1803.

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the capture of a vaft number of French
and Dutch fhips by the British cruizers.


The Senate of

The caufe affigned by Bonaparte for the
invafion of Hamburgh, is," his firm ref-
Onolution to fhut up the Elbe, and exclude
Britain from the only port left her in the
north of Germany.'
Hamburgh applied to his Pruffian Majefty
for his protection; but he expreffed his
"furprize that the Senate fhould prefume
that he could, to gratify their most hum
ble fupplications, involve himself and his
Jubjects in a war with France."

The most active preparations for a vin-
dictive and fanguinary war were making in
France, Holland, and Great Britain ;-
while the prefles on both fides groaned un-
their loads of recrimination.----In
France nothing appeared to be talked of but
an invafion of England: To promote
which, the citizens, public bodies, and
volunteer affociations were coming for-
ward with contributions to build fhips of
the line, frigates, and flat-bottomed boats;
and contracts were faid to be entered into
to furnish twelve hundred of the latter by
the 1ft Auguft, to tranfport an army of
140,000 men, across the English channel,
the firft calm feafon after. This expedi-
tion Bonaparte has proclaimed; and Chap-
tal, his Minifter of the Interior, in a cir-
letter to the Prefects, and nation, of
the ift June, calls on the young men
join the ranks of the army, that they may
learn to conquer, and eftablish the repofe
and profperity of France on the ruins of
the British Government." Other public
officers hold a fimilar language; and it a-
ny reliance is to be placed on preparatory
movements, and appearances, the French
will invade fome part of the British do-
minions, the prefent year.


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In England, the Government does not appear to pay the fmalleft regard to the French threats.-It, however, is augmenting its navy force with the utmost vigour. -The feamen are to be augmented to 120,000 men ; and fuch has been the late unparalleled fuccefs of their cruizers, that failors enter in great numbers.-In one day only, twenty-two prizes arrived at Plymouth, nine of which were French and ten Dutch; the other three were neutrals fufpected of having French or Dutch property on board.-The Parliament had granted the ufual war taxes; and addrefles to the King, approbatory of the war, were finging in all parts of the kingdom. -In thefe addrefles the city of London had taken the lead. The war appeared popular with the British people; and the fame windows which fixteen months fince beamed with "Peace and Plenty," on the Proclamation of peace; blazed, on the late celebration of the King's birth day, with reprefentations of "Bellona's car," and "Britons ftrike home."

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At Catskill, on the 15th inst. after a very short
and distressing sickness, Colonel GEORGE HALE,
in the 45th year of his age. He was interred on
the 16th, with military honors; and a funeral ora-
tion was pronounced by the Rev. Mr. Porter.
Lo! soft remembrance drops a tear,

And virtuous friendship stands a mourner here!
If the estimable and amiable virtues, engrafted in
a discerning and well cultivated mind; if a remark-
able attachment to Order, which is "Heaven's first
law;" if incorruptible integrity, in private and pub.
lic life; if fair unblemished morals, and unsullied
honour; if uniform and unaffected respect to the
christian institutions; if fidelity, affection and phi-
lanthropy, in the domestic and social relations; if
private worth and public usefulness--can endear
man to his fellow men-the memory of Col. HALE
will be embalmed in the bosoms of his numerous
and respectable friends and acquaintance.

On Tuesday last, at Loonenburgh, very suddenly,
the wife of Mr. Cornelius Tobey, in the 40th
year of her age.

At Red-Hook Landing, on Monday the 8th inst. of a quick consumption, JoHN M. P. LIVINGSTON, second son of Gilbert R. Livingston, Esq. in the 19th year of his age.

At Hadley, Mass. on the 25th ult. of a consump-
tive complaint, Mr. JOHN DWIGHT, aged 19 years,
son of the Rev. Timothy Dwight, D. D. President
of Yale College, a young gentleman of very promi-
sing talents and uncommon worth.

In this city, on Wednesday evening last, Capt.
NATHAN FOLGER, in the 67th year of his age.

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