Cada Labudo cient and barbarous practices and maximsling the prefident who is an elective offi- And is it certain that an attempt to pun- You ironically tell your reader not to laugh at me and what is the ridiculous inftance of my conduct to which you allude -It is my difclaiming any connection with the Wafp, and yet efpoufing the caufe of its editor. This you would rep. refent as an evidence of the vileft hy poc-prefident of the U. States; because the federrify. The bafe infinuation I defpife and al conflitution and its officers did not then indignantly repel; and confidently claim, in this as in all other inftances, the character of confiftency and integrity of condut. It is true that the Walp had neither patronage nor encouragement from me; and it is alfo true that I have been one among thousands of freemen, who would thield the editor from the arm of violence that has been uplifted to crufh and deftroy him. The manner of conducting his profecution, and the political principle you advanced in the courfe of that bufinefs, affect deeply the intereft, not merely of an individual or of editors in general, but of all the freemen in the United States. therefore, (the conflitution of the United States being the fupreme law of the land,) any acts or laws of particular ftates, which militate with it, are null and void. You will confider this and the forego. ing addreffes as an introduction to a much more extenfive correfpondence, fhould circumftances render it neceffary. It was my defign to canvafs the most prominent inftances of your whole political conduct, during feveral of the laft years. The sub. ject is fertile, and would afford much inftruction and fome amufement: for the prefent, however, it is fufpended; and its affumption or final relinquishment will de pend on your future conduct. EZRA SAMPSON. EXTRACT From a publication in the Recorder signed Federalist. DURING the last year of the adminif tration of Mr. Adams, certain publications. appeared in the paper called the Aurora, over the head of which there appeared in capital letters, thefe, words, 66 exift. The confitution exprefsly fays, tional fhield to the freedom of fpeech and yourfelf, whether a ftate profecution, in PUBLIC PLUNDER. In thefe publications, there were pofitive affertions, accompanied by a statement in figures, accufing, and explaining the pretended frauds which had been committed upon the public, by the perfons who then administered the government, and conducted the treasury. And they were fo contrived, that every man who did not know that the whole was a fabrication, believed that the public had been defrauded out of more than 500 ooo dolls. The fabrication was fo contrived, as to fix this fufpicion upon Mr. Adams, Mr. Pickering, and Mr. Wolcott. The mode in which the fabricators acted, was as follows. One of the clerks of Mr. Wolcott's office was debauched from his duty. He introduced into the treafury office, (or conveyed the treasury books to fome other place) five or fix of the Pennfylvanian democrats, to whom thefe books were expofed. They took down all the charges for money which appeared on the books against Pickering, &c. amount to about 7c0,000 dolls. more or lefs. They paid no regard to credits, nor to the knowledge which every one of them had, that much of the money was affigned to Mr. P. for the purpose of paying a debt which the U. States owed in Holland, tho' they knew that it would be perfectly im to allow any credit upon the books proper to Mr. P. until the payments, and other purpofes for which the money was advanced, were fully exemplified. All this has fince been done. Mr. P. ftands acquitted; nay, more, it appears that he negociated the pay ments in Holland with so much ability and fidelity, that he faved in the pice or rate of exchange more than 14000 dolls, which fum he voluntarily gave an account of and furrendered to the public. The friends of Mr. P. were aftonifhed that he should have borne in filence fuch defamatory publications. The reason was this. The money was appropriated to effect certain duties; as for inftance, the purchafe of bills of exchange. If Mr. P. had defended himself against the defamation, and ftated that the money was appropriated for purchafing bills of exchange, he could at once have filenced the ftory about public plunder; but he would at the fame time have expofed the fecrets of government. The dealers in exchange would have difcovered that the public wanted a large fum in bills upon Amfterdam. The exchange upon fuch would have rifen, and inftead of gaining 14000 dolls. as has been done, he might have acted as Gallatin has done in a fimilar negociation, fo that the public might have been very greatly injured. Balance Closet. LIBERTY OF THE PRESS. No. VIII. A CITIZEN who has had the misfortune to fall under the displeasure of such an Attorney-General as was mentioned in the supposed case in our last, has but little reason to hope for favor or mercy. He may think himself fortunate if he obtains justice. When a public officer, possessing the power and influence of an Attorney-General, has the presump. tion to draw up a bill of indictment in his own of fice, before court-time-when he so far overleaps the duties of his office, and intrudes upon the rights of his fellow-men, as to put into the hands of a sheriff a list of the persons to be summoned as grand-jurors-and when these grand-jurors so far lose sight of dignity and independence, as to become the dupes and humble tools of the AttorneyGeneral-then, indeed, must the citizen tremble for his liberty. The time may soon arrive, when he will be compelled to mourn its loss. For, if party. spirit is once permitted to creep into our courts, and usurp the seat of justice, not even the name of liberty will remain. To those who are acquainted with the political character of the Attorney-General of this state, it will not appear surprizing that he should be driven about by prejudice and passion. He is well known to be similar to a leaden bullet-heavy and harmless, except when put in motion by the fire and brimstone of his passions. Mr. Spencer had taken considerable time to mature his plan for arresting and silencing the junior editor of this paper; and yet he had proceeded with so much cunning and secrecy, that no suspicions were entertained of his intentions. Indeed, it might have been supposed, that he would be the last man in the world, to lay a restraint upon the press. It is true that he had been once or twice mentioned in no very respectful manner in the pub. lication entitled "The Wasp ;" but he always af fected to treat such things with so much disdain, that it could hardly have been expected that he would retaliate upon the printer in the manner he has. Besides, the junior-editor had sufficient reason to believe that Mr. Spencer was, in a considerable degree, a lover of slander; that he could swallow calumny with a pretty good relish-nay, that he could even feast on detraction. Of these reasons the reader shall be informed :-At the time that Thomas Paine's second or third letter (it is not recollected which) first arrived in Hudson, Mr. Spencer was in the Post Office, with two or three of his democratic companions (it would be a burlesque to call them his friends.) The junior editor of the Balance was also there. Mr. Spencer took up the National Intelligencer, and, turning to his followers observed, "Here is another letter from Mr. Paine -come, gentlemen, walk down to Holt's and hear it read-it will be an excellent treat before dinner." Mr. Spencer need not deny this fact. It was laid up at the time, as a precious memorandum; and it is now brought forward to shew that neither a hatred of slander, nor a regard for the public good, actuated him in his attack on the press. It is ridiculous for Mr. Spencer to lay any claim to decency, as long as the above fact stands recorded against him. What! can the man abhor licentiousness, who declares that the villainous and abominable letters of Tom Paine are an excellent treat for gentlemen before dinner? No, no-the thing is impossible. No. body will believe it. Mr. Spencer's professions of regard for the honor and dignity of the nation, have become stale and unavailing. The mask of patriotism which he, for obvious reasons, has put on, only serves to set off, in darker colours, that hideous figure of tyranny and ambition which t scarcely half conceals. REVOLUTION OF WORDS. In the fluctuations of the English language, sev. eral words have entirely changed their original significations; among which are the words knave and villain. The word knave formerly signified neither more nor less than a servant. In a very ancient translation of that part of the Bible called the new testament, one of Paul's epistles begins thus, Paul a knace of Jesus Christ." The word knave now means a man, who is either dishonest in money. dealings or else makes use of imposing arts and deceptive intrigues to accomplish his purposes. For instance, political hypocricy, or sham-patriotism, is really and properly a species of knavery, as well as swindling and cheating in money transactions. The word villain was not originally indicative of any species of roguery. It was, some few centuries ago, an appellation or common name for whole classes of people. Tenants, tradesmen, com. mon citizens, and indeed the people generally who were not exalted by office or rank, were called vil lains in public writings, and even in the national acts. This word also has suffered a degradation; and there is now always associated with it the idea of some species of moral turpitude. As it is very difficult to recover a good character that has been once lost, it is improbable that those two words, especially as they have so long associated with bad company, will ever regain the character originally attached to them. DEMOCRATIC SLANDER REFUTED. We had prepared an article of some length, to refute the slanders against Major Ten Broeck, which were published in the last Bee; but being informed that Mr. Helt has agreed to publish the following certificates and receipt, accompanied with a suitable retraction and apology, we forbear to make use of the advantages which are in our hands for destroying the reputation of the Bee. By merely republishing half a column from the Bee of last week, we could fix a stain on Holt's editorial character, that neither years of repentance nor whole columns of apology could wipe away. But we forbear. We disdain to take advantage of a fallen enemy. Our only object has been to defend an honest and injured man. This object we have steadily pursued, until our antagonists are compelled to acknowledge that our statements have been perfectly correct, and that theirs have been erroneous. We, therefore, treat with silent contempt the abuse which the Bee has bestowed on curselves. We have discharged our duty to the public, and to Major Ten Broeck; and when Holt has honestly done the same, his conscience will be relieved from an oppressive load. The subjoined copies will shew, that Major Ten Broeck is not a public delinquent; but that he paid every cent that was due from him to the treasury, immediately after he had ascertained the amount : 66 [COPIES.] "WE the fubfcribers, do certify, that we have feen, in the hands of John C. "Ten Broeck, the bond given by him, "Daniel Penfield and Cotton Gelfton, "to the United States, for the faithful 66 .6 performance of the duties of Collector "of the internal revenue, by the faid John C. Ten Broeck; and that the following receipt and certificate, the for"mer figned by Edward Livingston, and "the latter by Daniel Penfield, are true copies of the originals, endorsed on the "faid bond. Dated at Hudson, 15th "April, 1803. (Signed) 66 66 "DAVID LAWRENCE, "HEZEKIAH DAYTON." "EDW. LIVINGSTON. Attorney U. S." "January 28th, 1803, the fum paid by me, above specified, was duly feitled "between me the fubfcriber, and Cotton "Gelfton one of the fureties within men"tioned, and the within named John C. "Ten Broeck. I do, therefore, release and difcharge the within bond, and hereby cancel the fame. (Signed) "DANIEL PENFIELD." 66 agricultural. FROM THE AMERICAN MUSEUM. DIRECTIONS FOR THE CULTURE OF THE CURRANT BUSH. THE HE currant-bufh, though a fhrub that grows almoft fpontaneously, requires nevertheless fome dreffing; in regard to which the following directions may be of fervice. In contemplating the multiplied bleffings with which our country has been, and continues to be favoured, we are led to confider, that great are the obligations we are under to the bountiful Difpenfer of all good, and loud the call to gratitude and thank fulnefs of heart;-a difpofition incumbent on every rational being, as an acknowledgment for the goodnels of GOD;-a difpofition on which may be founded the reafonable hope of his continued favour; as hifand our own obfervation furnith amtory Plant them round the quarters in your garden, that they may have the benefit of the dung and culture annually beftowed thereon, which will confequently make the berries large and the juice rich. The red currant is preferable to the white, as yielding richer juice, and in much greater quantity. ple proof, that in every age of the world thofe individuals, or that people have been the favourites of heaven, and the peculiar heirs of its bleflings, who have not followed cunningly devifed fables, but fubftantial truth; whofe concern it has been to glorify the Divine Being, by walking before him in truth, choofing the good, and turning from evil and while we view this as the Take the most luxuriant flips or shoots of a year's growth, fet them in the ground medium through which we may with conabout eight inches deep, and not less than fidence look for the continued bleffings of twenty-four diftant from each other; thefe heaven, we are forrowfully affected in ob. never fail of taking root, and generally ferving the abundant evils that are, (and it begin to bear in two years. For the refl, is to be teared fome of them increasingly) let them, from ime, be treated as efpali-prevalent in our country; all having a direct tendency, more or lefs, to impair the morals of the peop'e, and lead from the paths of piety and virtue: and although we do not apprehend it our prefent business to enumerate many of thofe that are as the bane of fociety, and very injurious in their nature and effects to fuch as give way thereto, and alfo extremely debafing to man; yet, there are fome of them fo ferioufly impreflive on our minds as to claim a place in ers (but not against a wall) obferving to keep the roots, efpecially in the fpring of the year, free from fuckers and grafs. this addrefs. This treatment is the more necellary, as the goodnefs of the wine in a great degree depends on their having the full benefit of the fun and air, to maturate and give the berries a proper balfamic quality, by exhaling a due proportion of their acid watry particles. ous truth involving many important confid erations, that are deeply interefting to man. kind, and very nearly connected with their prefent welfare, and future happiness. Under thefe impreffions, and feeling much folicitude for the real good of our fellowcitizens, we are engaged thus to addrefs them. The common, but very pernicious practice of Horferacing, we confider to be an evil that embraces many other vices, and is certainly a great nuance in a well-ordered civil fociety, it having a natural tendency, by corrupting the mind, gradually to open the way to many other vicious habits. We may also fubjoin the cruel diverfion of Cockfighting, with other amufements of a fimilar nature, that are repugnant to every humane and tender feeling. What pleafure can refult to a rational mind from torturing and afflicting thofe poor animals which were intended for the ule and comfort of man ? [TO BE CONTINUED.] APHORISM.-Who hides hatred to ac complith revenge is great, like the prince of hell.-LAVATER. Political. The following CIRCULAR LETTER from the Hon. John Stanley, Member of Congress from the State of North Carolina, to his Constituents, exhibits a candid, just, and concise statement of the proceedings of our National Legislature during the last session. A review of the transactions of this body should be frequently had, for their acts of folly and weakness have been so multifarioas, and have proceeded in such rapid succession, that those which are passed are obliterated in the consideration of those constantly arising. Mr. Stan. ley has presented this subject in a manner which will deservedly command the attention of every one, solicitous for the concerns of the country. [Gazette U. States] CITY OF WASHINGTON, March 1, 1803. DEAR SIR, AT the clofe of a feffion of congrefs, I cannot feel that I have difcharged my du ty until I have informed thofe whole interefls I reprefent, of fuch proceedings as may concern them to know. This duty I now meet with pleafure. In difcharging it, I fhall avow the opinions I have enter tained, with the fame candor and freedom, with which I have given them here: perfuaded that next to an honeft exertion of the mind to decide right, an independent communication of fentiment is the mot acceptable offering from a reprefentative to his conftituents. The attention of congrefs was early called to a "violation on the part of Spain, of the treaty between the United States and the king of Spain." To understand this bufinefs, you will recollect, that Spain holding the territory on the Welt of the Mexico, and on the eaft of the MiffiffipMilliflippi, extending to the Gulph of pi fouth of the fouthern boundary of the United States, in the 31 deg. of N. latitude, is confequently proprietor of both fides the mouth of the river. The great difficulty, and in fact the impoffibility at fome feafons of afcending the river Mifliflippi in fea velfels to a height convenient to receive the produce of our Weftern States, had convinced the United States of the neceffity of obtaining from Spain the right to depofit it was conveniently acceffible by our fhips; our produce on their territory, from whence and alfo of fecuring to them, the free ufe of this highway to market. Thefe objects were obtained by the treaty concluded with Spain the 27th day of October, 1795. by the 22d article of which it flipulated, That his Catholic Majefty will permit the citi zens of the United States for the space of three years to depofit their merchandize and effects in the port of New-Orleans, and to export, them from thence without 63 report will, in the opinion of the Prefi- || paying any other duty than a fair price for 66 Refolved, That the Prefident of the United States be requested to direct the proper officer to lay before this Houfe, copies of fuch official documents, as, have been received by this government, announcing the ceffion of Louisiana to France, together with a report explaining the ftipulations, circumstances and conditions under which that province is to be delivered up-unlefs fuch documents and This refolution was oppofed-That the province of Louisiana had been ceded by province of Louifiana had been ceded by Spain to France-that this ceffion, if carri ed into effect, would change the afpect of our foreign relations, and therefore entitled to weight in legiflative deliberations, were facts too deeply interefting to the United States to have escaped notice, even though they had not been preffed into the view of the legislature and recommended to their attention by the high authority and folemn fanction of the Prefident. An oppofition therefore to a call for information-a call refpectful in its terms, fubmitting the extent of the communication to the judgment of the Prefident, was not to have been expected. The majority of the House difcovered ftrong jealoufy of this refolution, and after various unfuccefsful attempts to have it confidered, it was at length taken up and rejected. In difcuffing this refolution much extraneous matter was introduced; -the only arguments which I could dif cover against the adoption of the refolution were that fuch an inquiry, implying a fuf picion of unfriendly or improper conduct on the part of Spain towards us might irritate that nation; and that negociations were about commencing between our gov. ernment and Spain and France. The doctrine advanced on this occafion, that although the tranfactions of a foreign nation fhall be folemnly mentioned by the prefident in an official communication as chang the afpect of our foreign relations and entitled to weight in our deliberations; and although measures highly injurious to our rights and intereft, and probably a con. fequence of this tranfaction, have been adopted, yet that a fear to irritate fhall oblige us to forbear from enquiry; to fhut our ears to any information on the fubject, left we discover a fufpicion of unfriendly defigns, that in fact (for it amounts to this we fhall never prepare to ret an hoftile defign, until it is known to us by its execution," as a doctrine not only novel, but too palpably dangerous to be admitted as the real objection to this refolution-As to the objection on the ground that negociation was about commencing, let it be conceded that the direction of negociation belongs folely to the Executive, does it refult or can it be ferioufly contended that under our government the determination of the Executive to negociate, takes from the legiflature their conftitutional power of confidering what measures are neceffary for the public welfare? Such a doctrine can confift only with a fupremacy in the Executive-a doctrine at variance with the fundamental principles of our government. If the ceffion of Louifiana was a fubject not proper for the confideration of Con- i | grefs, why was it mentioned in the meffage? And if this confideration was rendered improper by the intention to negociate, why was that intention never communicated? The belief that there were yet other objections to this refolution not advanced by its opponents forces itfelf on the mind, and is ftrengthened by the cir cumftance, that in the refolution of 17th December the tranfactions at New-Orleans were, without fear to irritate, openly and properly called " a violation of our treaty on the part of Spain." Surely too, the Prefident would not have hazarded the public fafety by preffing on our notice in a public communication, a tranfaction deeply interefting to our rights and interefts; but which was covered with a veil not to be raised but with danger or indelicacy. The prefident knew it to be his duty to acquire information on the fubje&t-to prefume that he has not done fo, would be to reproach him with reprehenfible indifference to, and neglect of our interefts. Yet, improbable as the fuggeftion might otherwife be, the circumftances go far towards compelling a belief, that the Prefident had neither fought or obtained any official information on the fubject, or that his enquiries had not been treated with that refpect, which is due to the American. nation and that a rejection of the refolution was reforted to as the only mode of fhielding him from the mortifying difclofure. Mr. Grifwold alfo moved the follewing refolutions: 66 Refolved, That the people of the United States are entitled to the free navi. gation of the river Mifliflippi. 66 Refolved, That the navigation of the river Miffiffippi has been obftructed by the regulations recently carried into effect at New-Orleans. | compliment or fervility fhould not be heard, is only due to the exertion of thofe qualities in measures known and approved : Whereas, in the prefent case, so far from measures being known, and found to mer governed; willing, at the fame time to af- To these refolutions it was objected, that the foft language of " fenfibility" was inad equate to the expreffion, by the reprefentatives of a free people, of the national fenfe of a great national wrong. That the refolution difcovered a timid difpofition in calling that a "difpofition to violate" our treaty, which was proved to us to be an actual and avowed, not a contemplated or fufpected, infraction of the treaty. That it contained a declaration of " perfect confidence in the wifdom and vigilance" of the Executive, and a determination to wait the iffue of meafures purfued by that department, at a time that we had no knowledge whether any measures had been taken, and that it pledged the United States to wait the refult of negociation (the only measure the Executive can purfue without the authority of congrefs) when the intereft and fafety of the United States may render fuch delay dangerous, and demand meafures, if not of action, at leaft of preparation. Nothing urged in anfwer to thefe objections had the effect of obviating them in my mind. A feparate queflion was taken on the different members of this refolution. Although many thought them liable to the objections I have ftated, and would have preferred the adoption of thofe moved by Mr. Grifwold, yet they united in the vote. in favour of fuch principles as accorded with their own. The declaration of a fenfe of the wrong; the difpofition to adhere to that humane and wife policy which fhould always characterize a free people, and by which the United States had always profeffed to be governed; and the determination to maintain the rights of boundary and the free navigation of the river Miffiffippi, were unanimoufly agreed to. It was inoved to ftrike out the declaration of perfect confidence in the wifdom. and vigilance of the Executive, and the determination to wait the iffue of fuch meafures as that department hall have purfued. On this queftion I voted in the affirmative; becaule the folemn vote of perfect confidence on an occafion where no fuch expreffion was neceffary, and on a fubject where the language of order of the King of England to his naval commanders to capture our fhips in the year 1793. At the opening of the feffion of Congrefs the Prefident (Washington) communicated the fubject to congrefs, accompanying his communication with a copy of his inftructions given by him to our Minil. ter at the British Court for demanding redrefs. The language of Washington on this occafion was :-" There is a rank due to the United States among nations which will be withheld, if not abfolutely loft by the reputation of weakness. If we defire to avoid infult, we must be prepared to repel it. If we defire to preserve peace, one of the most powerful inflruments of our rifing profperity, it must be known that we are at all times ready for war." Had a fear to irritate those who had done us wrong, enfeebled the mind of that great man, he would have withheld until called it approbation, we were left to conjecture whether any had been taken. Indeed the rejection of the call for information regard. ing Louifiana, afcribing only to the neg of the executive to procure any; the want of official information what measures had been adopted, and the appointment of a minifter extraordinary to negociate on this fubject not until after thefe proceedings in the Houfe, warrant the opinion that at the time of this vote of confidence, the executive had not even taken those meas ures which his own judgment fuggefted to be neceffary. In fupport of this blind-fold vote of confidence it was argued, that it was the theory of our conftitution to afcribe" wifdom and vigilance" to the Ex-for ecutive in the exercife of powers confided to that department. Permit me here to remark, that it is the theory of the British government to attribute fuch " perfect wifdom and vigilance" to their King that it has become a maxim of their conflitution "that the King can do no wrong." If the theory of our conftitution be as advanced on this occafion, it differs but in found from the deformity of the British; and under ours, as under that the theory and practice will frequently be at variance. I prize our conftitution, as the rock of our safety. The obligation of an oath adds not to my difpofition to fupport it; but neither my attachment or duty can induce me to afcribe" perfect wisdom and vigilance" to a branch of the government in particular, where the evidence rather militates againft, than fupports the claim. The motion to reject this part was loft. Upon the queftion to agree to the whole refolution, thofe whofe objections had not been obviated: who thought the vote of perfect cofidence improper; having recorded their votes in favour of fuch parts of the refolution as were neceffary or proper; and believing that the refolutions fubmitted by Mr. Grifwold, were preferable, and that no injury could arife, it thofe under confideration were rejected, voted against them. I concurred in this vote. To fhew that thofe who differed from the majority in the preference of the refolutions adopted, to thofe moved by Mr. Grifwold, were not, as malice or ignorance may fuggeft, neceffarily advocates for immediate meafures of hoftility; and that on an occafion. fimilar to the prefent, un ler an adminiftration meriting and poffeffing the perfect confidence of the people, a line of conduct was purlued correfponding to that which it was the object of Mr. Grifwold's refolutions to obtain, I beg leave to recall to your recollection the proceedings of Congrefs in confequence of the unjuftifiable the information of the injury done us. But with the firmness which marked his character and which elevated the American character under his administration, he communicated uncalled for the informa tion: Not afraid to truft the national coun. cil with a conftitutional participation in devifing measures for the prefervation of our rights, he communicated allo the inftructions he had given for demanding redrefs. Just as was the claim of the Pref. dent to approbation, the legislature forbore from adulation. But with the independence of freemen and a promptnefs becom. ing the guardians of the rights of their fel low-citizens, they truffed not the fafety and honor of their county to foft expreffions of "fenfibility"--they afted. They authorifed the Prefident to embody and call out 80,000 militia, if circumflances fhould render it neceffary-they fufpended, for a time by embargo, all commercial intercourfethey adopted and acted upon the opinion of their wife and vigilant Prefident, "That to avoid infult we must be prepared to repel it." On the January, the President nominated to the Senate James Monroe as Minifter Extraordinanry to the Courts of the King of Spain and First Conful of France, to act in conjunction with our Minifter at thefe Courts, to negociate, it is prefumed, refpecting the fhutting the port of NewOrleans, and the ceffion of Louifiana.This gentleman was formerly our Minifter to France and was recalled by Washington] for misconduct. [TO BE CONTINUED.] PARAGRAPH- -After the manner of the Aurora. Some have fuppofed that all the learned paragraphs in the Aurora were not written by myfelt. This is true and there is a very good reafon for it-they were written by-another perfon. [Gaz U. S.] | |