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Hume concludes his hiftory of the reign || ty, to juftity our government, however well
of Edward III. in the following words,difpofed for peace, in fubmitting to be ca-
"On the whole, it appears that the gov-joled by his affurances; or to ufe the French
ernment at beft was only a barbarous mon- cant, whenever they were injuring and in-ligious fund, and every public treasure was
archy, not regulated by any fixed max- fulting any nation, in the perfon of its Am-

ims, nor bounded by any certain indifpu-baffador, his perfect affurances of high con-
ted rights, which in practice were regular-ideration. For our part we declare, that
ly obferved. The King conducted him-
felf by one fet of principles; the barons
(or lords) by another; the commons by a
third; the clergy by a fourth."

To that dark, barbarous and tyrannical age you have recurred for a flatute with which to punifh and overwhelm a printer in this free country. And is our republic already come to this ?-"Be aftonifhed, O Heavens !"

Happily your efforts have failed. The deformed banding that you had conceived was ftifled in the birth, and dropped from you dead born: yet your labours and pangs in its conception and delivery will never be forgotten. It will be held in lively remembrance that you were the first public officer in this country fince the adoption of the federal conftitution, who openly endeavoured to enchain the prefs by fuch a previous reftraint as would ex tinquifh all free enquiry refpecting public men and measures, and thus pave the way for national flavery. For this deed, your name, retrefhing the noftrils of poflerity, will roll down the ftream of time till time fhall be no more.

EZRA SAMPSON.

The political and historical truth, contained in the following production, ought to ensure it a republication in every paper in the United States.

FROM THE CHARLESTON COURIER.

OF MARCH 4

IT appears by a letter from Iafhington, that the Prefident has got certain affurances from the French goverment, that they bad" the greatefl define to cultivate a good anderftanding with the American government, and that General VICTOR who is to command in Louisiana, had received infructions from the First Conful to pursue conciliatory meafures, fuch as would conGuce to the harmony and mutual improvement of the interefts and the rights of both countries, and to efpect the rights, territory and perlons of the people of the United States." We hope, and we are fure, that there are none in the United States who would rejoice more fincerely than we fould at heating this announced, if we could fee in a retrofpe&t of the conduct of the French government, and particularly in that of BONAPARTE, any one cafe in which verbal or written engagements, or even oaths, have been obferved with fi leli.

having viewed the whole of BONAPARTE'S
conduct well enough, we think, to make a
tolerable eflimate of his character, we con-
fider the very profeffion of friendship he
has made, as a certain affurance of his bad
intentions. He must be but a paltry poli-
tician, and little read indeed in the human
heart, who will not be more ftartled at it as
fentence paffed upon the country, han re-
joiced at it as an omen of peace.
Let us
fee what grounds we have for faith in
France! Oh! if we had but half the faith
from righteoufnefs in Chrift, that we have
for fear in France, we might hope to call
down protection and bleilings from Heav
en !

a

other fucceffive exactions to the amount of fix million pounds fterling. The churches were given up to plunder-every re confiscated; and the country was made one fcene of rapine and diforder. At Pa via, a garrifon of French troops left by BONAPARTE, having wantonly deftroyed the tomb of St. AUGUSTIN, which the inhabitants had always religioully venerated, they collected around and took the garrifon prifoners, but carefully abftained from offering violence to a fingle foldier. BONAPARTE marched back, and carried military execution over the whole country-burnt the town of Benafco, and put 800 of its inhabitants to. death in cold blood; and then marching to Pavia took it by florm, and maffacreed the inhabi

tants.

BONAPARTE figned a treaty with the Duke of Modena promifing neutrality on the payment of twelve millions of livres. When that was paid he arrefted the Duke, and extorted from him 200,000 fequins; on this another treaty was figned, called a Convention de Surete, which, of course, was followed by fresh violations and exactions.

In breach of the treaty and rights of neu

When the French entered Holland, they iffued a proclamation to this effect: We confider you as friends and allieswe reflore you to freedom-week to inSpire you with confidence!" &c. &c. and in lets than two years they fleeced the Dutch of fifty-five millions of dollars; of a whole province of their ftrongeft barrier towns, and of a feaport. They plac-trality, he took poffeflion of Leghorn to ed the country under military commiffioners, and confiscated to their own ufe, the whole of the Belgian Clergy's property, to. he amount of 250 millions of dollars. So that the freedom they gave that country, according to promife, was to free them ot

Dolls.

55.000.000 250,000,000

305,000,000

feize the British property lying there, and he made the Duke of Tufcany pay the expence of his army march ing thither.

When he entered the te rritories of le mice, he iffued, according to custom, a proclamation of certain affurances."-BONAPARTE to the Republic of Venice."

has

"It is to deliver the first country in Europe from the iron yoke of the proud Houfe of Auftria the French army come, &c. &c. &c.-Religion, govern ment, cuftoms, and property shall be ref pected, all provided for the army fhall be

When they entered Franconia, a proclamation calling on the people for confi. dence, with other certain allurances, went before the army. And a volume is pub-paid in money." This, like every other, lithed in German, and tranflated into all the languages in Europe, of their murders, pillage, exactions and enormities. In Lombardy, BONAPARTE iffued a proclimation :-" Nations of Italy, the French army come to break your chains. The French are the Friends of the people in every country. Your property, your cuftoms fhall be refpected.

(Signed)

is

BONAPARTE.

In Milan he published another:-" Ref pect for property, and perfonal fecurity; refpect for the religion of countries; thefe are our fentiments."

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was followed by infamous exactions-He
eftablished democracy, and with the new
government made a treaty, by which mo-
ney and naval flores to the amount of fix
millions of livres, and three fhips of the
line were given to him, in return for
which he gave them certain affurances of
friendship. This he performed in his own
way, by handing them over in four
months after, by the treaty of Campo
Houfe of Auftria.
Formio, to the iron yoke of the proud

In Egypt, his proclamation ran thus:"In the name of GOD, merciful and gra cious-There is no God but GOD”—“ He has no fon or offociate in his kingdom

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"The French are true Muffulmen— || P. S. Does BONAPARTE fay a word a not long fince they marched to Rome and bout our right at New Orleans. His af overthrew the Pope, who excited Chrift-furances are a declaration that the right ians against Ifmifm (Mahomitanifm.") does not exist. Having ufed the word He returns home, eftablishes popery, and oaths in the outfet of this writing, we think at a folemn mafs held on the occafion, in it right to obferve, that BONAPARTE, with the face of that world who knew of his his arms, impofed on the people, and fwore pretending to be a Muffulman, he takes the fidelity to that conftitution, which he afterfacrament of the Lord's fupper, as by wards put down. CHRIST ordained, according to the rituals of the Church of Rome.-Infamous, abominable blafphemy !!

After this authentic detail, are we juftified in cafting off all confidence in fuch a man's profeffions? Or will our Execu tive be juftified in repofing any confidence in them?

We are aware, because we hear it every day and fee it before us, that many men are obftinately averfe to war, and would maintain peace at any rate; but have those perfons duly confidered war or peace in all their bearings and relations? War is a thing that relates to fociety, not to individ. uals, and if individual fee.ings or private fell-intereft enter into the composition of a man's thoughts on thefe fubjects, they cannot be correct. We must often venture life to fave it and to render it more lecure, and to make it worth the havingand many men have loft their ALL by being afraid to venture ALL in its defence. One has a land fpeculation-anothera commercial one. One is afraid that lands will full-another that infurance will rife. But this does not alter the real nature of the queftion--the queftion of war or peace extends to whole countries, empires, and regions. These fee no farther than the fence of their own eftates, or the walls of their own warehouses; but let them put this queftion to their minds and hearts; and as they themselves are not concerned, perhaps their judginent will not be warped, and they will answer it fairly :-Would it not have been better for the places which I have mentioned to have rifen en maffe, oppofed BONAPARTE, and run the hazard of all the grievances, murders, oppreflions, exactions and plunder of war, in an hon ourable refiftance, with a chance of fuc. ceeding, than to endure them, as they did, with all the ignominy and infamy of cowardly bafe fubmiflion, to arrogant, barefaced impofture; and furely it fpeaks enough of BONAPARTE. What can we fay -what could SHAKESPEARE, MILTON, and all the poets in one, imagine of arrogant impofture, worse than his having the impudence after what he has done, to hold out the language of promife and expect to have it believed. Alas, Alas-farewell the dignity of manhood-it has furely fled from the earth, when the most that we can fay under oppreffion, is, "Let me, oh let me die in peace."

Balance Closet.

LIBERTY OF THE PRESS.

No. VII.

MOCKERY OF JUSTICE. TO many of our distant readers, it may appear extraordinary that we should, in all our remarks on the subject, treat Mr. Attorney-General Spencer as the sole or principal author of the late outrage on the Liberty of the Press; as it is well known that a public officer is bound by his oath to perform his dury faithfully, and that when complaint is made and a bill found against an offender, it is the At torney General's business to carry on the prosecu tion. But we have an explanation to make, which will shew that whatever blame or praise attaches to the attack on the press, belongs almost exclusively to Ambrose Spencer Esq. It is true, indeed, that some of the most violent and unprincipled of the democratic party, have approved or pretended to ap prove, of his conduct; yet facts evince that the measure was his own; but whether he was insti gated to it by Mr. Jefferson, or by the genius of democracy (well known by several familiar names) it is impossible for us to know. Certain it is, that He Mr. Spencer was informer and public accuser. interfered with the duties of the sheriff and of the grand-jury; and he attempted to dictate and mark out a new line of duty for the judges.

Were we permitted to give the truth in evilence, we might here state facts that would strike every consciencious reader dumb with astonishment and indignation. We might exhibit such a shameful instance of the abuse of power, as seldom, if ever, disWe might exgraced the most despotic times. pose such a scandalous mockery of justice, as would make every freeman shudder. But the reader will reflect, that the terrors of the British common law are suspended over our heads.

The Attorney

General stands forth, threatening the man who shall dare to publish truth, with all the rigors of that law. Our press is, at this moment, more completely shackled than if it were under the control of a licenser. We must, therefore, speak with caution. We will be cautious. Nay, more-we will say not a word of our Attorney-General. We will merely suppose a case, and leave the reader to his own reflections.

Let us suppose, then, that a federal printer commences the publication of a little waspish paper, in some little city, in a certain county of one of the

largest states in the union. Let it be supposed that the Attorney-General of the said state, resides

in the said little city; and that the said printer takes provoking liberties in the said paper with the said Attorney-General. Let it he supposed that the Attorney-General comes to the laudable resolusion of scourging the printer with the common law of England. Let it be supposed that, for this purpese, HE DRAWS UP, or CAUSES TO BE DRAWN UP, IN HIS OWN OFFICE, A DAY OR TWO PREVIOUS TO THE SIT TING OF THE COURT, A BILL OF INDICTMENT against the printer for publishing a libel on Thomas Jefferson !!! Let it be further supposed that, in order to procure a grand-jury, composed of men who would be sure to find (yes, reader, find!) a bill already drawn! the AttorneyGeneral places in the hands of a democratic sheriff, a list (in his own hand writing) of the names of twenty-four other democrats, with orders to have them summoned for a grand jury!!!* Let it next be supposed that the grand-jury, thus summoned, appear in court at an early hour, and, with all due submission to, and respect for, the Attorney-General, do actually find (wkat a burlesque on judicial proceedings!) the identical bill against the printer, which the Attorney-General had previously found in his office!!! Now let it be supposed that all And what will the these suppositions are facts. world say? Did the United States ever before witness such a scandalous, such an abominable mockery of jussice ?-For the sake of decency— for the sake of honor-for the sake of honesty, we hope not.

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"Secrecy, at all times, is fufpicious, "in a free government; in Britain, or "in the cabinets of defpots the practice is confiftent, but we have the pro/pect before us now that the plaif fyitem of honest measures wi fupercede flate myflery and cunning."

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The sage editor of the Aurora has lived to sec his charming prospect vanish. He has lived to learn that no " plain system of honest measures" has su perceded "state mystery and cunning." He has witnessed more "state mystery" and more crets" under the republican administration of Mr. Jefferson, than ever he did under that of Mr. Adams. And does the Aurora mean to say, that the present serene president is a " despot" lecause he allows

of "secrets" in his "cabinet ?" Does he intend to insinuate that democratic "secrecy is suspicus ?" or does he think that the present is not a "free government ?"Oh, No! not at all at all -he means to applaud the present administration, at any rate; remembering, at the same time, to furget all that he formerly wrote against the federal administration.

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Agricultural.

FROM THE AMERICAN MUSEUM.

Ir

SUN-FLOWER OIL.

T appears from experiments made formerly in this State, (Pennfylvania,) that a bufhel of fun-flower feed yields a

gallon of oil, and that an acre of ground planted with the feed, at three feet apart, will yield between forty and fifty bushels of the feed. This oil is as mild as fweet oil, and is equally agreeable with it in fallads, and as a medicine. It may moreover be used with advantage in paints, varnishes and ointments.

From its being manufactured in our country, it may always be procured and ufed in a fresh ftate. The oil is expreffed from the feed in the fame manner that cold drawn linfeed oil is obtained from flax feed, and with as little trouble. Sweet olive oil fells for fix fhillings a quart. Should the oil of the funflower feed fell for only two thirds of that price, the product of an acre of ground, fuppofing it to yield only forty bunels of the feed, will be thirty-two pounds, a fum far beyond the product of an acre of ground in any kind of grain. The feed is raifed with little trouble, and grows in land of moderate fertility.-It may be gathered and fhelled, fit for the extraction of the oil, by women and children.

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Be contented with what you have; and feek at the fame time to make the beft improvement of it you can.

Never upbraid any one with his misfortunes; for misfortune is common to all, and no body can fee into futurity.

Do all the good you can to virtuous and good men; for a good office done to a man of worth and merit, is a noble treasure.

Have a special care how you associate with men of the bottle; but be fure, if occafion make you fall in with fuch company, to withdraw before the liquor gets the better of you; for he whofe mind is ot, whofe driver is caft out of the box. overpowered with wine is like the chari

pieces with expreffions of extreme delight and admiration.

Among the nobility who were his admirers and patrons, the Earl of Southampton presented him with the fum of one thoufand pounds fterling; which, confidering the fcarcity and fuperior value of ity and homage rendered to genius. money, was a fingular inftance of liberal

In poffeffion of an eftate equal to his wants and to his moderate wishes, the bard returned from London to Stratford, the place of his nativity; where he spent feveral of the laft years of his life in ease and retirement. Irreproachable in his morals, and abounding equally with wit and good nature, his lofe no time in executing your delibera-ple of diftinction in the neighbourhood. and concompany verfation were much courted by the peotions. It belongs to Heaven to profper our undertakings; but it is our bufinefs to confider what we do.

Take time to deliberate and advise; but

When you have a mind to advife with any one concerning your private affairs, examine well firft, how he has managed his own; for he that has been faulty in the administration of his own concerns, will never be able to advife well with reference to those of others.

es.

Prefer honest poverty to ill-gotten rich

Enure your body to labour and your mind to wifdom.

Imprint this maxim deeply on your mind, that there is nothing certain in this human and mortal ftate; by which means you will fhun being tranfported with profperity, and being dejected with adverfity.

Miscellany.

FOR THE BALANCE.

FURTHER SKETCHES OF THE IMMORTAL EARD, WILLIAM SHAKESPEARE,

IN no period of the English hifto

ry, has genius been fo much honoured and lo bountifully rewarded by the prince and nobility, as in the reign of queen Elizabeth. As the fordid defire of an endless accumulation of wealth had not then, as now, enthroned itself in the minds of people generally of the higher ranks of fociety, learning and genius were refpected more than money. The queen herfelt who was a ready and a correct difcerner of merit, honoured and encouraged Shakefpeare with her friendship and patronage; and attended the rehearful of his dramatic

There is no innocent quality that fo much needs the conftant and vigilant use inftance, loft a friend by four fatyrical of prudence, as wit. Shakefpeare, in one fion of his fportive humour. He was in lines which were the inftantaneous effuhabits of intimacy with an old gentleman of the name of John Combe, noted for his wealth and for his ten per cent, ufury. It happened one day that in a pleasant converfation among their friends, Mr. Combe merrily, faid to Shakefpeare, "I fancy you intend to write my epitaph, if you Should happen to outlive me; and as I when dead, I requeft that you would do it cannot know what might be faid of me immediately." Upon which Shakespeare inftantly wrote and gave him these lines. "Ten in the hundred lies here engrav'd, 'Tis a hundred to ten his soul is not sav'd: If any man asketh, who lies in this tomb.? Oh! oh! quoth the devil, 'tis my John-a-Combe." The old gentleman was fo deeply ftung by the keenness of the fatyre that he nev er forgave the poet.

Shakespeare died in the year 1616, and in the 53d of his age. The following is the infcription on his grave ftone at Stratford.

"Good friend, for Jesus' sake forbear
To dig the dust enclosed here :
Blest be the man that spares these stones,
And curst be he that moves my bones."

In the last century, there was raised to
perb monument, on which is this epitaph
his memory in Weflminfter-Abbey, a fu-
the Tempeft.
taken from his own dramatic piece, called

"The cloud-capt towers, the gorgeous palices,
The solemn temples, the great globe itself,
Yea, all which it inherits, shall dissolve,
And, like the baseless fabric of a vision,"
Leave not a wreck behind."

Z.

Political.

The following is part of the address of the Hon. John Rutledge, of South-Carolina, to his constituents, on resigning his seat in Congress. It will be read with pleasure and profit.

FROM THE CHARLESTON COURIER.

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fore unexperienced, were all refifted.

When the French revolution broke out, and a general war, in Europe, compelled the American Government to decide what condu&t it would pursue, Pre

This ftate of things demanded the exercife of the greatest caution mixed with firmnefs, by the American government. The difficulties and the varied hoftile appearan ces which threatened our peace; the ftrug-fident WASHINGTON, whofe penetrating gles and the ultimate fuccefs which crowned the labors of the adminiftration of Prefidents WASHINGTON and ADAMS, are known and felt by us all. Our nation alone, of all civilized nations, connected with France and Great Britain by commercial ties, efcaped the ftorm; and by the wif dom of the government enjoyed in troubled times, the immenfe advantage of a great neutral commerce, which enriched our people, and extended the national refour

ces.

During the whole courfe of things thus fummarily brought to your recollection, there exifted a marked oppofition to every important measure which has been stated. The adoption of the federal constitution was refifted with a violence and to a degree which endangered it. Many vifionary men, who acknowledged the imbecility of the old confederation, were yet affaid to truft any government with the powers delegated by the new conftitution. In gene

THE termination of the war with GreatBritain left thefe United States in an exhaufted condition. Great debts had been contracted by Congrefs, and by the feveral ftates, and there exifted no means of paying or providing for them; public credit was totally at an end. Individuals were equally exhausted, and equally deftitute of credit. The States without an efficient head, crumbling in their weaknefs, and urged by the wants and diftrefles of their citizens, reforted to inftalment and tender laws, to paper money, and other expedients, which aggravated the evils under which they laboured. The moft gloomy apprehenfions began to be entertained for the fate of the country. The eminent men who had planned and effected the revolution were alarmed at this apparent iffue of their toils and fufferings; they felt that there exifted an imperious neceffity to provide a remedy for thefe evils. A convention of the States was called; it was filled with great and virtuous men. They foon dif covered that a national head was wanting; and that nothing fhort of the formation oral, however, the fma'l flates had the dif an efficient general government, could reftore the country to a found ftate. They therefore formed a conftitution or frame of government, on new principles, combining the advantages of a confederated republic with thofe of a national government. It was adopted in the State Conventions, and went into operation, in 1789, under Pref ident WASHINGTON. The firft care of the new government was to provide for the liquidation of the public debt, and the punc tual payment-of the intereft of it; to ref tore public credit, and to fecure the found adminiftration of juftice. The fuccefs of the measures then devifed and fince purfu. ed, has been complete; the nation advanced with gigantic fteps from poverty, dif trefs, weaknels, and degradation, to wealth, character, and greatnefs. In the mean time a war broke out in Europe, ur precedented in its nature, extent and effects. It was the interest of the American nation, || and the duty of its government, to avoid being drawn into the war, and to enjoy the advantages of its neutral pofition. France defired and Great Britain apprehended that the United States would become a party in the war; and no intrigues were fpared by the former to feduce or to force them into it. Indeed both the belligerents abused their rights and their power, and the enormous fpoliations committed by both on the

cernment to perceive that it was deeply
their interelt to adopt the conftitution;
they were weak without it: they would be
ftrong with it. Of this they were fenfible,
and accepted the inflrument by great ma-
jorities in their ftate conventions. The
cafe was far different in the great flates, the
pride of flate fovereignty would be hum-
bled by a fuperintending and controling
general government. Nor could they
brook the equal reprefentation in the Senate
of the United States, which made Delaware
as important as Virginia, New-Jerfey as
Pennfylvania, Connecticut as New-York.
Many of the eminent men who guided the
Many of the eminent men who guided the
councils of the great ftates were galled at
the reduction of their authority, and exci-
ted a fierce oppofition to the adoption of
the inftrument which was to produce thefe
effects; nor was it adopted in Virginia,
New-York, and Pennfylvania without
mighty struggles, and by very fmall major-
ities in the two former. The good which
has been obtained by the adoption, is on re-
cord. The evils avoided are incalculable.

Irritated by defeat, thofe who had oppo-
fed the acceptance of the conftitution, aid-
ed by fome others, who, friendly in the
firft inftance to that inftrument, had been
difappointed in their perfonal expectations,
formed a fyftematic oppofition to the ad-
miniftration of it. The affumption of the

judgment, quickly difcerned the true path of found policy, iffued his proclamation of neutrality, recalling the minds of the citizens to a due attention of the duties of a fair neutrality. This wife measure firmly adhered to, preserved our nation, from rafhly engaging in the war.-No man of fenfe will now deny this. Yet at that time, it was reprehended in the wildest terms of reproach-an affociation with the deftinies of France was the great object of democratic defires-and the government was flandered, and almoft fhaken, for daring to negotiate with Great Britain, and to terminate the differences with that nation by treaty.-In the progrefs of the war, the French, irritated at the refufal of America to make a common cause with them, committed the moft flagrant vielations of treaty, fpoiled our commerce, and rejected with fcorn the folemn embasfies fent to conciliate them. When eve

cy effort at negociation failed, and the United States had almoft exhaufted the cup of humiliation to the dregs, the 'national fpirit rofe, and loudly demanded meafures of naval and military preparation, to place the country in a pofture of defence, and to vindicate the national honor and character-The call was obeyed, and Congrefs took meafunes to equip a navy, to form a provifional army, to fortify the defenceles leaports, and to purchale arms and ammunition, and they impofed taxes neceffary to support there expenditures. They alfo paffed acts by which dangerous frangers lurking in the bofom of the community might be removed; and for the punifliment of feditious perfons.-Thefe acts grew out of the then flate of public affairs, and were in unifon with the tone of the public mind.The immortal WASHINGTON, at that time retired to Mount Vernon, reflected on thefe meafures with a heart ever alive to the public welfare, and highly approved them, as appears by his letter to Prefident ADAMS, of July 1798. Yet thofe who had unceafingly difapproved every measure of the government, reprobated them as unneceffary, prodigal, and even dangerous to the public liberty.

An oppofition fo fteady, organized, active and virulent could not be withflood. It is wonderful that the federal adminif tration flood its ground fo long as it did.

It found the Indian tribes on our frontiers repreffed and quieted.

It found a fmall army organifed, and forming the germ of any force which the public exigencies might require.

Nothing but the wifdom of its measures, !! It found the difputes with Spain, termin-
its caution and its vigilance, maintained it. ated by the able negociations of Major
All these ultimately were unavailing againft Pinckney; by which the right to the free
the continual mifre presentations and flan-navigation of the Miffiflippi was fecured
ders which affailed it. The oppofition by and ftrengthened.
flimulating difcontents, on the impofition
of the new taxes rendered neceffary by the
circumstances of the times; by infufing
diftruft into the minds of the people; and
by a thousand arts practifed on their cre-
dulity, contrived at length to render the
adminiftration unpopular-at the election
of Prefident and Vice-Prefident the fedér-
al candidates were rejected, and the demo-
cratic candidates were elected; a majority
was alfo obtained in the house of reprefen-
tatives of the United States. It happened
by a peculiar co-incidence, that this change
of government took place fhort time pre-
vious to the termination of the war in Eu-

rope. The federalifts, whofe wifdom had at one period faved the United States from rafhly plunging into that war, were rejected-the democrats, whofe counfel would have produced that effe&t, were elevated to power.

It is of prime importance to remark that the individuals who were chiefly oppofed to the adoption of the conftitution, or dif fatisfied with it, were the perfons generally who have alfo been oppofed to all great measures, which have been found in practice to be productive of advantages to the United States; and they have been (with fome exceptions) the perfons whofe activity and violence, contributed chiefly to the change of adminillation: and that thofe men now fill the great flations in the general government. It is alfo worthy of remark that the ableft and most influential men of this defcription, are from the great flates which fo reluctantly came into the union under the conflitution. I mean, Virginia, North-Carolina, Pennfylvania, and New-York. There are exceptions doubtless to thefe cafes, but they are not very numerous. How wifely the people How wifely the people of the United States have acted in thus tak

ing the government out of the hands of those who formed it, and nurfed it, and maintained it in its conftitutional energy, in order to place it in the hands of those who were oppofed to its adoption, and who refifted all the meafures calculated to give it full and free operation, is not for an individual to decide. I fubmit to the will of my country, and none will rejoice more cordially in its profperity under any adminiftration.

It found a navy created, which had ren-
dered fubftantial fervice to the nation.
It found the national debt provided for,
and in part reduced.

It found the treafury full, and the public
credit high.

It found a people increafing in popula. tion, and a country advancing in profperity, in a manner unexampled in any preceding age or nation.

Such is the country, and fuch is the fate of things, which the federal adminftration left to their fucceffois. It is the firft with of my heart, and the most ardent prayer of my mind that the democratic alminiftration may fo adminifter this government, that they may deliver to their fucceffors, to fair a country in fuch high profperity.

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An unavailing refiftance has been made. by the members of Congrefs who had long been accuftomod to act on the principles which guided the illustrious ftatefmen who formed the conftitution, and adminiftered it for twelve years, with fo much glory and advantage to the nation. But every effort which has been made, has been treated with fcorn, or rejected with contempt. Nor do I fee any profpe&t that any materiał change will take place, during the prefent adminiflration. Under thefe circumftances, I do not feel it incumbent on me to remain a reluctant witnels of the fteps by which the narrow views of a party adminif. tration may render the government imbe. cile at home and degraded abroad.

Permit me, however, before I take my leave of you, to advise you, as you value the welfare of your country and the felicity of your own families, to cherish your attachment to the Conftitution, as the grand cement which binds together these Unite! Staes, and which alone can preferve them from ruin, though all the troubles which foreign hoftility, or domeftic rage and fully, may bring upon them. Let the Con. ftitution and the Union be the great ob jects of our affections and of our efforts, under all the changes of party, and under the most adverfe circunftances, and we ihall ftill be a great, profperous and happy people, in fpite of the mi conduct of tewporary adminiftrations, the malice of party fpirit, and the bold interpofition of foreiga intrigues or arms.

Time alone will decide: But it seems to be fettled, that if the fame end is to be obtained, it shall be by far different means. Already great changes have been made, and more are contemplated. Already the meatures calculated to place the country in a refpectable ftate of preparation to repel hoftility from any quarter, are reverf ed. The germs of the final army and navy created by their predeceffors, are mutilated. The foundations laid for fecuring a revenue above the reach of cafualities, are broken up. A death blow has been given to the boafted independence of the Judiciary of the United States, which ligations of patriotifm and duty to have all parties were bound by the ftrongeft obligations of patriotifm and duty to have That our apprehenfions may be diffipatapproached with awe, and to have treated with veneration, as the only fafe afyl-ed, that our fondeft hopes of the public

um for the citizens in the violent conten-
tions of party, to which republics are pe-
culiarly expofed.

The adminiflration is almoft avowedly a party government. None but thofe of the dominant fect are admitted to any fhare in public affairs. To be of that fe&t is the only road to employment and truft, however unworthy the character, or inferior the talents of the claimants. On the other hand, thofe who are out of the pale of that fect, however elevated by character and by fervices, are rigorously excluded from admiflion to It found the differences which had fubthe public employ ments. Thus is purfafifted with Great-Britain amicably adjufted a policy calculated to keep alive party ed, and the northern posts furrendered fpirit and violent animofities in the community whilft every liberal and concilia

On the acceffion of the prefent administration in March, 1801, it found the nation at peace, but prepared for war.

up.

welfare may be realized, and that you, my
friends, my partake largely of the public
felicity, is the fincere prayer of your o
bliged friend, and obedient fervant.
(Signed)

JOHN RUTLEDGE.

FOREIGN.

On the 21ft of February, Col. Defpard, with fix of his accomplices were exceut ed in London for High Trealon. They were hung and beheaded, and their heads exhibited to the populace. Three other men concerned in the confpiracy have re ceived a refpite from the king.

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