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No. IV.

HUDSON, (New-York) TUESDAY, MARCH 29, 1803.

tain offices of important truft, a refidence
fhall be required fufficient to develope
character and defign. But might not the
general character and capabilities of a
citizen be fafely communicated to every
one manifefting a bona fide purpofe of
embarking his life and fortune, perma.
nently with us ?"


HE ferious apprehenfions, expreffed by Mr. Jefferfon in his Notes on Virginia, that "imported foreigners would bring with them the principles of the gov ernments they leave, or if able to throw them off, it would be in exchange for an unbounded licentiousness; and that they would infufe into our government their fpirit, warp and bias its direction, and render it a heterogeneous, incoherent, distracted mafs ;"-thefe apprehenfions, for the folid grounds of which he appealed to experience, have fince yielded to an oppofite fyftem of politics. In his message to the Congress, December 8th, 1801, he fays; "I cannot omit recommending a revifion of the laws of naturalization.Confidering the ordinary chances of human life, a denial of citizenship under a refidence of fourteen years, is a denial to a great proportion of thofe who afk it; and controuls a policy purfued from their first fettlement, by men of thefe ftates, and fill believed of confequence to their prof. perity. And fhall we refufe to the unhap. py fugitives from diftrefs, that hofpitality which the favages of the wildernefs extended to our fathers arriving in this land? Shall oppreffed humanity find no aflylum in this globe? The conftitution, indeed wifely provided, that, for admiflion to cer



I fhall forbear making any comments on the ftriking inconfiftency of these sentiments of Mr. Jefferson with those which he formerly avowed.-I fhall forbear to impeach his motives, or to urge the important circumftance, that he has feen fit to declare a radical change of opinion refpecting the admiflion of aliens to the rights of fuffrage, at a time when there was much more real danger from thofe people, than at any former periods; at a time, when, after throwing off the principles of the governments they left, they had actually exchanged them for an unbounded licentiousness ;"-at a time too when thofe li centious foreigners were to a man his declared admirers and partifans.-Passing over thefe topics, let us proceed to weigh the recent fentiments of Mr. Jefferson in an even Balance. It they reft upon a folid foundation, they cannot be fubverted or weakened by free and frequent difcuffions; while on the other hand, if they be illfounded and fallacious, it is the duty of every intelligent friend of the country to expofe their fallacy to the utmost of his power; efpecially as, coming from fuch high authority, they are received by multitudes of people with a feemingly impli cit confidence, and have controuled & do


controul the politics of our nation, in a very
effential point.

that no perfon fhall be a representative in
the Congress, who shall not have been fev-
en years
a citizen of the United States: that
no person fhall be a Senator who fhall not
have been nine years a citizen of the Uni-
ted States: and that no perfon, except a
natural born citizen, or a citizen of the
United States at the time of the adoption
of the conftitution, fhall be eligible to
the office of prefident.

Now according to Mr. Jefferfon, barely manifefting a real purpose of embarking their lives and fortunes permanently with us, or of fettling for life in this country, ought to be deemed fufficient to entitle imported foreigners of all descriptions to a participation of the rights of fuffrage, and to every other privilege of citizens, except eligibility to the places of prefi

dent and members of the fenate and house

of reprefentatives in Congrefs, from which they are exprefsly barred by the constitution. This is "burfting open to them the doors of public confidence" as completely and widely as poffible; unless for their accommodation the conftitution itfelf fhould be altered for furely it would require in many cafes, neither fourteen, nor five, nor two years refidence, to manifeft a purpose of fettling in this country--a refidence of two or three weeks, with the help of certificates and vouchers, might give full fatisfaction to the predominant party, on this point. And befides, it is worthy of confideration, that, according to the rule of naturalization which our prefident has propofed, the very worst clafs of emigrants would be earlier entitled to the rights of citizenship, than the best; because there are none of them that can give such prompt and indubitable proof of a bona

It is provided in the federal conflitution, fide purpose to embark their lives and for

tunes permanently with us, as convicts and fcapers from juflice, who may well deemed fo far from harbouring a lurking inclination to flee back whence they came, that they even feel the halter draw," whenever they think of their native country.

fumption that he had difcontinued his exbeertions in the republican caufe. Their cenfure is his eulogum-their wrath is evidence of the continuance of his labors, and of his not having ceased to deserve well. and of his not having ceafed to deferve well.

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The Spaniards have a proverb, than which none is more correct--that he who

The ideas of Mr. Jefferfon, on this fubject, have as yet been acceded to by grefs, only in part: fhould they finally become the principle of the naturalization laws of this nation, it is ealy to fee that fuch a wild and diftra&ted policy would accelerate the fatal period when the whole machine of our government will be torne in picces. If, in conformity to Mr. Jefferfon's propofed plan, the political barri

er nations fhould be utterly broken down; it fwarms of imported foreigners of all claffes, defcriptions and characters, on barely manifefting an intention to settle and live among us, fhould be admitted to an immediate participation of the rights of fuffrage, and to the privilege of being eligible to offices in the ftate governments, and to any offices in the general government, except the places of prefident and members of the fenate and houfe of reprefentatives in congrefs;-if this fhould be the ftate of things in this country, our nation would quickly become, in a fuperlative degree, "an heterogeneous, incoherent, diftracted mafs," and would bear a femblance to the confufion of Babel and to the horrible difcords of topliet.

The legislature of Virginia arraigned the right of congrefs to pafs the law in queftion, and went into a lengthy inveftigation to thew that it was an encroachment on the powers and jurifdiétions of the ftate gov lives in a glass houfe fhould not begin to ernments. They fhewed, too, that the con-throw tones. If we take a retrospect of exercife of this power would be inifchiev. the early profeflion of the fenior Balance edous, that the trials could not be fair, as the itor, he would have fome things to reconitor, he would have fome things to recon-juries to impeach and try for the fuppofed cile requiring all the craft of a fubtle prielt, offences would be fummoned (not drawn and all the fophiftry of a Machiavel. For by ballot) by the marfhals, mere tools of inftance, that editor in the infancy of his the Prefident. Does it follow, then, that editorial labors promulgated his belief in an if the attorney general and other gentlemen ancient fedition law, which he faid" taught circulated the reafonings of the legislature him not to speak evil of the ruler of the of Virginia with a view to evince that coner or wall of partition between this and oth-people." Under the foftering hands of grefs had been guilty of an aft of ufurpation, federalifin he waxed warm and forgot this hat thereby they adopted the principle cardinal principle; in defiance of his own that under the laws of the ftate of New declared convictions-in oppofition to the York no man ought ever to be questioned dictates of his ancient fedition law, and in for libelling the government? Strange and the teeth of the fcriptures whofe precepts bfurd would be the inference from the he had been in the habit of inculcating, he facts. But what language did this Balancebecame not only the fyftematic reviler of mafter then hold? Did he condemn the ac all public men of a fect oppofed to his own, of congrefs? Was it not the univerfal but the bafe affaffin of their reputations. fentiment of the party that libels ought to In fhort, he has fpoke evil of the ruler of be punished? Did they not in the most the people on all occafions; he has vilely glowing colours depict the ruinous and mifreprefented the acts of government, mifreprefented the acts of government, difgraceful effects flowing from a licentious and done all he could to mislead and influprefs? Did they not urge that no governence public opinion. It will only be ne- ment could endure the vile affaults of ceflary to recur to his paper to afcertain the unprincipled libellers; that no virtuous correctness of thefe allegations. Before, map would hold an office when he was conthen, he charges other people with incon- Itantly the obj čt or attack? Where now fiftency he should look at home; his miare all their Tympathies for public men? crofcopic eye can perceive a mote in his What has become of their fears and alarms brother's, while he is infenfible of the beam of the cociequences of tolerating libellers? in his own.' The expofition is eafy-the government has paffed into other hands. The federaland efpecially federal difcarded priests who have turned printers, hating and loving with all their fouls, are in the foremoft ranks bawling out for the freedom of speech and the liberty of the prefs; they forget their new and old fedition law, and confider their vocation as poffeffing facred claims to pour out their holy indignation on all who differ from them. The fenior editor of the Balance, though he has been unremitting in has attempts to repel a!! charges of his being concerned in conducting the Wafp, has been roufed up when fo near a neighbour has been bro't to the bar of juftice. He feels, or feems to feel, lively apprehenfions that to call his partner to an account for a production in which his religion, (reader do not laugh) his morality would not fuffer him to embark, will be an infringement of the liberty of the prefs; forgetting that on one indict ment his dearly beloved compeer has the liberty to prove the truth of his libel, and that on the other that permiffion has neither been asked or denied.

near re



March, 1801, the very day Mr. Adams's prefidency would expire.

To attend fomewhat to the charge of in-
We republish from the Ece of last week, the fol confiftency on the part of the attorney.ifts,

lowing virulent and scurrilous attack upon the
Senior editor of the Balance.



It is a fact that the proceedings of the Virginia and Kentucky legiflatures were founded on a fuppofed ufurpation of power by congrefs in paffing a law abridging the freedom of the prefs. Suffice it to fay, A SERIES of papers, to number three that by amendments to the conftitution of inclufive, on the liberty of the prefs, com- the United States it is exprefsly provided, pofed in the BALANCE CLOSET," have that the powers not delegated to the Unirecently appeared in the Balance. The ted States by the conftitution nor prohibiobje&t of the writer, fuppofed to be the ted by it to the flates are referved to the fenior editor of that paper, is to fix on his flates refpectively or to the people." So far political adverfaries the charge of incon from there being a delegation of the power fiftency. He fingles out the attorney-gen- which congrefs affumed, it is denied to eral, and lavishes on him the rancorous e- them in the third article of the amendments bullitions of his wrath. This gentleman to the conflitution in thefe words, 66 Conhas been the pillar on which the editors of grefs fhall make no law respecting an ef the Balance and the Albany Centinel have tablishment of religion, or prohibiting the for a long time refted all their refentments.free exercife thereof, or abridging the freeIt is an evidence moft irrefragable that hedom of speech or of the prefs." Congress deferves well of republicans, fince he is did however pafs a law efpecially guarding deemed worthy by the conductors of these government, the Prefident and two houfes inflammatory papers of their conftant of Congress, leaving the Vice-Prefident notice. Were they to ceafe their efforts to (then Mr. Jefferfon) obnoxious to the abufe tarnih his reputation, to deftroy and man- of every calumniator in the country : this gle his character, it would afford a pre-law, too, was limited to the third day of

It was to have been hoped, when the fenior editor of the Balance exchanged the

facred desk for a closet in a printing office, that he would at least have endeavoured to affuage the virulence of party fpirit, by inculcating fubmiffion to the public will, and a decorous refpe&t for the conftituted authorities. Inftead of this conduct, which his former profeffion fo imperiously demanded, he has like a fury affailed the characters of men in office who differ from him in political fentiment; he has diftorted and mifrepresented every important act of government; and in thus doing he has exhibited a malignity peculiar to clerical hypocrites. The inimitable precepts of the gofpel inculcating charity and brotherly love he has trampled under foot, and in their ftead has adopted the implacable hatreds of a monk. From fuch apoftate priefts the republic can have but little to fear thank God their power is limited, their daggers are fearless.


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Immediately after receiving Mr. Holt's note, the following was written and sent to him. MR. HOLT,


IT is fufpe&ted that Ambrofe Spencer, Efq. was the writer of the piece in your paper, figned Scrutator;" or at least, that it was written with his privity and under his direction. If this fufpicion be illfounded, I request you to certify me by an exprefs declaration acquitting Mr. Spencer of agency in that bufinefs; otherwife 1 fhall confider him the author.


The editor of the Bee, after some little time of consideration, sent us the subjoined reply. MR. SAMPSON-SIR,

MY reply to your first note I fuppofed to be fufficiently explicit to prevent any further question on the fubject, as the principle there laid down fhall govern my conduct. If, however, I fhould exonerate Mr. Spencer of any agency in writ ing ing" Scrutator," who would you require me to acquit next, and when would you finish your interrogations? I am not in the habit of exculpating myfelf from the publications of my prefs by charging them. upon others; nor do I fuffer any thing to proceed from it of which I am not willing to be accounted the fponfor until I produce the author. You are therefore at liberty to confider me as the principal in the performance of " Scrutator,' or to extend your conjectures and fix your fufpicions wherever you think proper. I fhall acquit no perfon you can mention, unless requested by himself.



As Mr. Spencer is the presumptive author of the piece, signed "Scrutator," he shall be properly noticed in our next.




READ your paper every week, and I now tell you plainly that I am diffatisfied with it; and fo are many other republicans that I know of. It is as weak as difh-water, and no better, for that matter than an old Almanac; and it is well if a great many of your customers dont get fo provoked with it, that they will put it to the most filthy ules.

As you profefs to be a Bee, we expected honey from you; and you had told us yourself that you were about manufacturing a quantity of honey-comb; but not a fcrap of honey or honey-comb have we yet found, or any thing that looks, or tales, or fmells like it. We had heard that you were a mighty great writer yourself, and could knock down your adverfaries in that way, just as a butcher knocks down a bullock; and we know that you can have aGwho can write like a fury, if he bundance of help. There is our Ahas a mind to it: and there is the great and learned Mr., that can write as well as he can talk, provided he be allowed to ftrike home his arguments, at the end of every fentence, with his knuckles and there is befides, a huge number of able writers who can dash away in your paper, like any thing. I had almoft forgot to mention our new officer, that Mr. Jeffer

fon has just made .He too has fome brains, whatever folks may fay to the contrary.

What fignifies it, that you are flitting up, every now and then, in the face of Mr. Samplon ?-Folks wont think you a honey-Bee, any more for that.-Why dont you tear in pieces the arguments of the Balance, which come out weekly as thick as hops ?-Now you let all thefe arfting; whereas almost every body fays that guments alone, and only fly up and try to you cannot fting, any more than a beetle.

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Furthermore, neighbour Holt, how comes it to pafs, that your last week's paper feems to declare that the clergy are peculiarly malignant and hypocritical? -This is not prudent-If you think fo, you fhould not publish it; for it may alfront parfon W———, who is one of the beft men in the world, to get fubfcribers for your paper, and to get votes at elections.

I fhall have fome more talk with you, neighbour, on the fe fubjects; and till then, I am yours to ferve.


Balance Closet.

Samples of the salutary use of the ancient British common law in punishing verbal defamation and libels against Majesty.

In the reign of Edward 4th, (nearly a century after the famous statute of Edward 3d, which was pleaded at the last Claverack court against the jun ior editor of the Balance) a tradesman of London who kept shop, at the sign of the crown,being jeered concerning the sign at his shop-door, he jestingly replied, that he intended to make his son heir to the This joke cost the poor man his life. He was tried on the principles of the common law-condemned and executed.


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More than three centuries ago, Edward 4th, hunting one day in the park of Thomas Burdit, in Warwickshire, had killed a white buck, which was a great favourite of the owner: and Burdit, vexed at the loss, broke into a passion, and wished the horns of the deer in the belly of the person who had advised the king to commit that insult upon him.


For this passionate expression he was tried for his life the judges and jury condemned him, on the principles of common law; and, as Burdit was no mean man, but a gentleman of fortune, he had the privilege of being beheaded at Tyburn.

Ca Ira! Those were glorious times, Master A. Employ your useful labours to revive that golden age. Scour up the rusty blunderbuss, alias, he old British common law, and level it at every dirty plebian, who refuses to pull off his hat to his betters and in this way you will convince the "swinish multitude" that you are a consistent repub

lican, and that you have not " ceased to deserve well."





Fear God, and honour your parents. Be careful to avoid the occafions of being afpersed in your reputations, tho' know they are lies

A COMPOSITION has been with, for as a great many will be igno

rant of the truth, as to fact, fo they'll be
liable to be impos'd upon by report.

invented for regenerating fruit trees, by
which they will bear fruit of the moft de-
licious flavor. This compofition has alfo
been applied to oaks and other timber.
An experiment has been recently made
on a particular cherry tree in Kenfington
Gardens, from which his majefty remem-
bered to have gathered cherries, when very
of the flavor of which he was very
fond. This tree, which had been brought
into England in the reign of king William,
had borne very little fruit, and appeared al-
moft dead. It was by the king of Eng-
land's command dug round and one or two
roots with a piece of the bark about three
inches in breadth, were found alive. By
cutting away the decayed parts and apply-
ing the compofition to the found, this tree
in three years bore as well as any other tree
in the garden, and the fruit was of a moft
delicious flavor, and appeared remarkably

The inventor of the above is a Mr.

Forfythe, who has got from the S. A. Four Thousand Guineas for the invention. The whole is communicated to the public in a book written by Mr. F. and now in the poffeffion of many gentlemen in America. It is fold by Mr. Ezra Sergeant, book-feller, Water fireet, New York.

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Never think that can be spoken with decency, that modefty is afhamed to act.

In all you do, imagine every body will know it; for admit you could keep it a up-myftery for a while, 'twill be at last unfolded and made public.

Let your carriage and behaviour to your parents be fuch, as you would with your children fhould be towards you.

Efteem that moft to become you which is decent, modeft, juft, and temperate : for in these chiefly confifts the morality of youth.

Pursue thofe pleasures only that are accompanied with honour and glory; for that pleasure that has virtue for its companion, is a valuable good, whereas without it, 'tis a deteftable evil.


You will obtain a confirmed reputation, you are known to avoid those actions, which you cenfure and blame in oth



Ifocrates was a Greek orator, who died 336 years before the birth of Chrift.


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"While I was at Smyrna there was a girl afflicted with a cancer in her lips, and the gum was affected. The European phyficians confulted on the measure to be taken, and agreed that they law no other method than to cut it out; and the girl had already fubmitted herself to that decifion. By an accident of that nature which men cannot account for, an old American came to them juft in time to prevent the application of the knife. "Do nothing," faid the American, "I will cure her ;" and when he had pledged himfelt ftrongly the phyficians confented.

"He procured a copper veffel, newly tinned in the infide (an effential circumflance) and having poured a certain quantity of olive oil into it, he made it gently agitated, and fo for three times in twenty four hours. With this the oil refolved itfelf into the confiftency of an ointment, and by conftant rubbing the part affected, he cured her in fourteen days.--Nothing elfe

was done.


The phyficians fuppofed that the oil received its virtue from the tin, and it was communicated by its long boiling over the fire."




I find from recent aceounts from different quarters, that people are not fufficiently warned against the dangerous practice of going into and fleeping in newly plaiftered rooms with lighted charcoal, which induces me to defire you to publifh the following fingular inftance which happened in this neigh bourhood of late.

HAVING built a new school house, the proprietors of which being about to collect in the evening for the purpofe of lettling with our refpective committies for building &c. the houfe being built without a chimney in order for a ftove, and the stove not being fet up, the weather pretty cold, and the room newly plaftered, we thought beft to carry in fire.-Mr. Daniel Perkins and my felf, filled a five pail kettle with charcoal and after being fired a fufficient time for the fmoke to fubfide, we placed it in the center of the room. I then went home, leaving Mr. P. to watch the fire, and returned in about 20 minutes. I found upon entering the room the air very thick & ftifled; but after a few minutes I felt no great inconveniences. The proprietors foon collected and proceeded to bufinefs. We foon found our candles failed to burn clearly, fo that it was difficult to read or write by the help of two. By this time Mr. Daniel Perkins, who had been in the house fome time longer than any one perfon, complained of faintnefs, thinking, as he any food fince morning, he fet out for home faid it was owing to his not having taken immediately, as foon as he received fresh air from the door he fainted and fell on the floor: he was taken out of the house, and foon revived. Mr. Fredrick Mather who was fitting near me, observed his head felt difagreeable, and as he paffed the thresh hold of the door he fainted and fell fenfelefs on the ground. We were all alarmed at our danger, and left the room immedi ately.

When I first took fresh air, I felt uncommon dizzinefs in my head, and univerfal weaknefs, but walking in frelh air foon recovered. Many who were in the compaprobability is, that had we remained in the ny were difficulted to get home; and the room á few minutes longer, it would have proved fatal to fome of us.

Woodflock, Jan. 24, 1803.



THE prefent juncture of our affairs will determine whether the political principles of our rulers are of a nature likely to advance the profperity of our country. We fhall know whether prompt and fpirited refiftance, or tame and eafy acquiefcence gives to a nation the beft fecurity againft aggreffion. Whenever it has become neceffary to vindicate national right or national honour, the federalifts have been the advocates of measures decifive and energetic. With equal uniformity have their political adverfaries been the defenders of a timid and yielding policy.

The annual feffion of our national le

giflature is now paft. In the course of it, a fubject arofe, that fixed public attention, and excited in the American mind, an uncommon degree of intereft. Mr. Breckenridge may write, that affairs in the western country do not wear an unpropitious afpect; but this is too plain a mifreprefentation to ferve its object, of deluding a neglected people. The fituation of the people of the western country is in a high degree alarming. They have not been frighted at the profpect of future or conjectural inconvenience, they have not raifed their voices at anticipated danger, their complaints reft on other grounds; they have been drawn forth by actual and prefent fuffering. They have called upon the guardians of their interefts, and they had a right to make the call, for efficacious fuccour. The feffion of Congress is paft, and this fuccour has not been granted to them. Every confiderate man will lament the ftate of things, that may drive a nation to hoftility, but human injuftice and rapacity he knows often demand it. Wifdom in the rulers of a people will avoid precipitation, but it will keep equally remote from pufilanimous forbearance. Although it is a general maxim in the intercourfe of nations, that negociation fhould precede an appeal to force, yet like other general maxims it has its qualifications. When an encroachment is caufelefsly made by

one nation on the acknowledged rights of another, when, regardless of folema ftipulations, hoftile measures are fet in operation against an unoffending ftate,` and when the evils of fuch meatures are great, inevitable, and immediate, common reafon and univerfal law fay, that violated faith may be avenged by inftant and competent redrefs. Let the two parties ftand on fome equality of terms. Let the one regain if it can, what may have been unjuly taken from it, then let complaint be made of the attack and fecurity afked againft its repetition. Delay may be ruin. ous. If a man raife a weapon against a


nother the threatened attack is averted by
taking from the affailant the power of
harm. It would be prepofterous to fay,
that in every fuppofable cafe a nation is to
put up with wrongs that may bring with
them the moft difaftrous effects, till un-
fuccefsful overtures for accommodation
give a warrant for the employment of
force. Let it be imagined that two of our
frigates are failing on the ocean laden with
treafures of great value for our country.
They are met by a hoftile fhip and one of
them piratically taken, ought the other to
attempt a recapture, or purfae its voyage
home, tell government what had happen-
ed, and then be dispatched to ask the na-
tion who fent out the hoftile fhip if they
will pleafe to give us ours back again?
Nor is it a fufficient objection to the em-
ployment of force where a ftate is offered.
manifeft injury that the wrong did not
proceed from the fovereignty of a nation,
because, as actual fuffering is the motive
for refiftance, it is indifferent to the offend-
ed party who was the author of that fuf-
fering. Admit it originated in a fubordi-
nate agent who acted without authority
from his conftituent, the conflituent can-
not complain that the party attacked fim-
ply reinftated itself. It would not be re-
commended to go farther than this. At a
fit feafon more ample reparation may be
fought. A nation will avoid the character
of an aggreffor. It will keep within the
line of neceffary felf protection and not in-
dulge ambitious or vindictive inclinations.
But nothing can be plainer than that it may
in particular emergencies become the vin-
dicator of its own rights.

If our differences are to be fettled by a purchase of territory, it is an indefenfible application of public money, a mortifying acknowledgment of imbecility, and a criminal abandonment of principles that ought to be held facred by a people. Puerile folly only would appland that spirit in a nation that rofe at every frivolous encroachment upon its dignity. But in points effential regard ought to be had to national honour. There are principles the importance of which is not to be estimated by any pecuniary fum. Better would it be to endure the evils of a twice ten years war than infultingly to be made the sport of foreign injuftice. The glory of a state is not a mere phantom. It confifts in the good opinion entertained of its prowefs and conduct, it arifes from a fenfe of its valour and will always make other states cautious of provoking hoftility. It was the military renown of the Swifs that gave them peace for two centuries when the noife of arms was heard over Europe. The inducements of intereft, therefore, combine with a commendable pride to make a nation tenacious of its reputation. Let us cultivate a refolute fpirit and we fhall be refpected. But let it be known that we buy an obfervance of our treaties, and it is a folly to expect any will ever be kept with us. A new way of getting money is opened to nations. France, Spain, or Britain, in providing to meet expenfe may include in their calculation a million or 'wo of dollars to be derived from the hopkeepers on the other fide of the Atlantic, by a threat of violence upon them. The fame fpirit that would filence our difpute with Spain, by fwallowing it up in a purchafe of territory, would, if claim were laid to one of our

The prefent fituation of the United States combines all the principles of the foregoing remarks. An attack has been made upon them without colour of right. The confequences of this attack are extenfively calamitous. More than half a million of people are cut off from their chief means of fupport and the profpectstates, compromife it by a round doceur. of a rifing country fuddenly darkened.To fay that the United States would not have been juftified in enforcing an obfervance of the privilege granted by Spain would be to deny to a nation every faculty of felf-prefervation. New-Orleans ought to have been compelled to open their port to us. The preffing

The two mafter nations of Europe have been playing upon us ever fince we grew in for her fhare. What a poor, pitiful into exiflence, and now Spain is to come figure we must make in the world thas tamely to bear with every infult, thus in every controverfy to be the injured and the yielding party! We complain of being reprefented as a trafficking, fordid people,

wants of our citizens demanded fuch a

and we ourselves uphold the affertion. In

meafure. Juftice would have defended
it. After that had been done enough re-
mained to gratify the favourite propenfity
of Americans to treat. The outrage fhould
have been complained of, and, at the per-
il of war, regulations infifted upon, that
would place the fupport of half a million
of people above national or individual
perfidy. This is the conduct a regard to
future peace would have dictated. This
is the course attention to private interest
and an honourable jealoufy of national

private life many of our rulers would fpurn
at the conduct they mark out for the nation.
And questionable indeed is the patriotifin
that throws upon its country what it would
reject and defpife in any individual.

character would have pointed out. The ultimate effect of the paffive temper we have fhown must be, to invite from every quater humiliating infult and injurious aggreffion.

Swift says that the stoical scheme of supplying. our wants by lopping off cur desires, is like cutting off our feet when we want shoes. This is exactly the Virginian doctrine-only destroy your conmerce and you will need no navy. [anti Denco.}

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