appeased the anger of the Indians for a murder of one of their people by hanging a bed-ridden innocent pauper in stead of the real criminal, who, besides being a saint, had an additional claim to their clemency from being the only expert cordwainer in the place.

This story, which has been generally considered to have had no other foundation than the imagination of the poet, there is unhappily some reason to fear was but too true. Hubbard himself, a Puritan minister, living near the scene, and old enough to have traced its authenticity, has not ventured in his history of New England to give it an unqualified contradiction. The inhabitants of Plymouth, he says, tell the story much otherwise. But if they were driven by necessity to do justice to content the Indians at that time, it is possible it might be executed, not on him that most deserved, but on him that can best be spared, or who was not like to live long if he had been let alone.t

It is almost incredible that with this sad experience of their persecuting spirit, Morton should

Resolv'd to spare him: yet, to do
The Indian, Hogam Mogam, too,
Impartial justice, in his stead did

Hang an old weaver that was bed-rid."

*He was born in 1621.

+ Fifth Vol. Mass. Hist. Coll. Second series, p. 77.

have ventured among them again; but his perseverance was equal to their own, and they were amazed at beholding him there for the third time. He was instantly arrested, and a letter, written by him from London to a friend in the colony, intercepted by the Governor (in which he calls him King Winthrop, and inveighs against his Amsterdam and fanatical ordinances,") was produced against him. He was forthwith convicted of sedition, fined a hundred pounds, and banished again from the colony. To console him under his afflictions, he was told he had great reason to be thankful for the mercy of the court, as nothing but his great age had saved him from the whipping-post.* Ratcliffe became a lunatic from the cruel treatment he received, and Sir Christopher Gardner very prudently gave up the contest.

This severe conduct was applauded by the ministers, by whom toleration was preached against as a sin in rulers that would inevitably bring down the judgment of Heaven upon the land. "He that is mounted in the saddle," said one of their divines, "had need keep the reins straight, unless he intends to be thrown down and trodden under foot; they are the ministers, of God for the good of mankind, and should not bear the sword in vain."+

* Hutchinson's History, vol. 1, p.

75.

† Notice was that year taken of an impudent affront one Captain Stone offered to Mr. Ludlow, one of the magis

The power of the clergy was irresistible. At the first Court of Assistants, an Act was passed for building houses for them at the public expense, by which they became indissolubly connected with the State. By the operation of the two laws, I have already alluded to, namely, that no man could be qualified to vote, or be elected to office, who was not a Church member, and that no Church could be formed but by a licence from a magistrate, the civil and ecclesiastical affairs were more intimately combined than in England. The granting or withholding political rights being thus centered in the ministers, the levelling propensity of congregationalism was curbed and restrained by this new power, and all were compelled to submit, and pay court, to the very men it was their original intention to have divested of all authority. Bigotry, intolerance, and hypocrisy were infinitely increased and aggravated by this extraordinary alliance. The preachers were consulted on all affairs of State and legislation, were often present at the passing of laws, and lent their powerful aid to have them executed.

The attention of the King was again called to the colony of Massachusetts. He was informed that there was a great stream of emigration

trates, calling him just-ass, for justice; it cost the offender one hundred pounds and banishment.-Hist. Col, vol. v. Second series, p. 157.

flowing steadily thither, of persons known to be ill-affected to him, his church, and government. An order was accordingly issued by the Privy Council to stay several ships in the Thames, ready to sail to New England, with settlers and provisions, for the exhibition of passenger lists, and for the production of the Charter. This was the first time its removal was discovered or avowed, and the plausible Craddock promised to send for it immediately. He informed the

Council that the royal right was well protected by the clause enforcing the oaths of allegiance and supremacy (although he knew they had not been administered to the emigrants), and entreated that they who had so recently and affectionately addressed the Church as their dear mother, and avowed before God and man their attachment to it at parting, should be believed in preference to their slanderers, and wound up with a glowing description of naval stores that the planters would soon be able to send to England. After some little delay they were permitted to proceed on their voyage, and emigration again revived.

In the meanwhile, the inhabitants having proceeded step by step to consolidate their power at Boston, in evasion or defiance of the Charter, now altered their constitution in a manner to suit the exigencies of the times, and their own wants, without asking permission or seeking authority from

the King. In consequence of some severe regula tions made by the magistrates relative to trespasses, which were exceedingly unpopular in the rural districts, two delegates chosen by each town assembled at Boston and demanded a sight of the Charter, upon the examination of which they arrived at the conclusion, that the legislative authority rested not with the magistrates, but with the freemen. On this point they asked the opinion of the Governor, who told them, that when the patent was issued, it was supposed the freemen would be so free that all could conveniently assemble, but now they had become too numerous to meet for deliberation. At the same time, he said, he was of opinion, they did not yet contain sufficient materials to constitute a distinct branch of the Legislature, but proposed that a certain number of delegates should be chosen annually to prefer grievances, but not to make laws; though their consent perhaps might be required to all assessments of money and grants of land. They were not satisfied with any such restricted power, and accordingly at a General Court, held in the year 1634, twentyfour of the principal inhabitants of the colony, presented themselves as the representatives of the body of freemen, and demanded on behalf of their constituents the right to share in all legislative proceedings of that body, a claim which, though it had no foundation whatever in the Charter, was