“Soldiers ! serve God and religion for liberty!" would never have obtained notwithstanding the emphasis with which they were repeated.

Circumstances were not very favourable to the movement. The companies of the regiment of Tchernigof, which was itself at a distance from the other regiments, had, by the foresight of General Roth, been distributed over a vast territory. Serge Mouravief despatched his friends to each of them, with instructions to bring them to Vassilkof, whither, preceded by Solovief, at the head of a detachment, he repaired on the Îlth instant, after having been reinforced by the 2nd company of grenadiers from Kovalevka. Bestoujef-Rumine, whom he had sent on a recognisance to Broussilof, situated half way between Kiev and Jitsmir, joined him on the way. The rebels were also further joined by the company of Kouzmine.

When at a distance of eight versts from Vassilkof, Mouravief learnt that the town was garrisoned by a battalion of his regiment, commanded by Major Troukhine, who were unfavourably disposed towards him. Indeed, the major, after having placed Solovief in arrest, had not hesitated to march out to confront the rebels. Soukhinof, who commanded the advance-guard, immediately ordered his troop to make ready to fire. Major Troukhine gave the same orders to his soldiers, but they did not obey. The attitude of their comrades made them hesitate. Taking advantage of this, the rebels pushed forwards, while the soldiers, taking no steps to defend their commanding officer, he was taken prisoner, deprived of his sword, his epaulets torn from his shoulders, and himself reconducted to Vassilkof, which the rebels took possession of without meeting with any resistance.

At this, the head-quarters of the regiment, the insurgents became masters of the regimental colours, of the treasury-chest, and of much ammunition. They were also reinforced by three companies that had remained in the town. They hastened to set Solovief at liberty, as well as all the officers whom Hebel had ordered to be placed in arrest, and even the gates of the municipal prison were opened. Mouravief's little troop was thus increased in numbers; it had also been joined by several officers who arrived from the neighbourhood, among whom was Alex. ander Vadkofski, whom Mouravief

despatched to Bélaïa Tserkof, to stir up his regiment—the light cavalry of Nejine—to rebellion. He also despatched emissaries to Kiev; and at the same time, order to meet the immediate wants of the soldiers, and probably, also, to compromise them the more, he allowed the shops of the town to be plundered. A scene further took place in the market-place of the city, which was eminently illustrative of the degradation of the lower clergy in Russia, well known for its cupidity, its drunkenness, and its servility.

Before Mouravief and his followers recommenced their march, the almoner of the regiment consented, for a sum of two hundred roubles, to celebrate divine service, and to read to the soldiers a catechism, which had long since been prepared by Serge and Bestoujef-Rumine, in which, by interpreting in their own way, certain passages of the Old Testament, they had endeavoured to show that democracy was the only form of government that was agreeable to God. The officers cheered these passages, and called out, “ Long live liberty !" But this cry found no echo in the bosom of the Russian soldiers. “ To whom was the empire to remain, to Constantine or to Nicolas ?" Such was the only question

with them: as to liberty, they scarcely even knew the meaning of the word; the church had never explained it to them ; the military regulations took care also to avoid it. The Catechism, in consequence of this peculiar state of ignorance of the Russian soldiers, failed to have the expected effect. On the contrary, it produced so unfavourable a feeling among these half-liberated serfs, that their leader was obliged again to invoke the name of the Césarévitch, and to repudiate the Catechism.

Bestoujef-Rumine had been in all this an invaluable auxiliary to Mouravief. He exercised great influence upon the soldiers, and he had bound them to an oath by making them kiss the figure of a saint. He had also to encourage Mathieu Mouravief, who never ceased to deplore the rashness of the enterprise. Determined, however, to share his brother's fate, whatever it should be, he only insisted upon a younger brother, Hippolyte, not being involved in the same risk. The latter had escaped from St. Petersburg the evening of the fatal 26th, and had joined his brothers unexpectedly. He could not be prevailed upon to quit them. The strongest ties of affection united these ill-fated brethren.

At twelve o'clock Mouravief gave the signal for departure. He took the road to Broussilof, from whence he could in one day reach Kiev or Jitsmir, as circumstances might render advisable. On his

way

he found the 1st company of grenadiers and that of fusileers quartered at the village of Motovilofka. Both at first manifested a wish to accompany him, thinking that by so doing they were favouring the claims of Constantine. But some imprudent words spoken by Mouravief set the grenadiers against him. “What do we want, comrades,” he ejaculated, “ with Constantine? What we want is a republic. Come, now, let us cry, Long live the Republic !” While the soldiers, whom this address filled with astonishment, were inquiring of one another what was the meaning of this singular word, an old grenadier, resting his arms upon his musket, said to the leader, “We will cry out, long live the republic, your grace, * but who is to be tsar?” “ There is no tsar in a republic.” *« Oh, in that case, your grace,

that will never do for Russia!" The whole company was of the same opinion: “We have no objection to a republic,” they said, “but we must also have an emperor!”

Mouravief perceived the mistake that he had made, but it was too late ; Captain Kozlof, who had hid himself among the ranks, disguised as a private, hastened to take advantage of it. He immediately addressed the company, told the men that they were being imposed upon and led on to crime ; that Nicolas I. was their legitimate tsar, and that to refuse him obedience was to render themselves guilty of high-treason. The grenadiers listened to him attentively, and were not long in testifying their approbation. “Lead us, captain,” they all exclaimed, we will obey. your orders,” and sheltering him in their ranks, they alike resisted the solicitations and the threats of the rebels.

Mouravief did not deem it prudent to rush into an untimely struggle; so he allowed this company of chosen men to take its departure, and it travelled under the command of Kozlof ten leagues that day to arrive at head-quarters. The whole company was afterwards received into the

*

Vaché blagorodiè. The Russians are as partial as the Germans to these qualifications, the longer they are the better. For example,_“Your High Excellence” is Vaché vysokoprèvoskhoditelstvo ; “Your Eminence," Vaché vysokopréosviaschtchenstvo.

guard, while Colonel Hebel, Major Troukhine, Captain Kozlof, and Lieutenant Pavlof, were promoted, in reward for their fidelity.

The rebels, reduced to six companies, passed the whole of the day of the 13th in the village of Motovilofka, whence Mouravief despatched Ensign Masalefski, in company with three privates, to Kiev, to ascertain the state of feeling in the capital of Little Russia. Whether through' fear or prudence, or that no sympathy was to be found among the once quasirepublican populations of the Ukraine, their appearance was attended by no result. The party started for Vassilkof, after having left in the streets the only three copies of the treacherous catechism that the ensign had at his disposal, but they were all overtaken and arrested on the road.

Next morning, Mouravief, astonished at not receiving the news that he expected, started off in an opposite direction, and marched upon Bélaïa Tserkof, where Viadkofski was to have paved the way pearance, and where he was in hopes of gaining over another regiment to

for his ap

his cause.

He had also, no doubt, another motive. The town of Bélaïa Tserkof, or of "the white church," belonged to the family Branicki, called Branecki by the Poles, who assert that the first form of the name is an usurpation. According to them, Xavier Branecki, an obscure personage, and sold to Russia, had betrayed Poland, of which he was general-in-chief, by ratifying, with Adam Poninski, the first division of the country, in 1772, and by forming, in concert with Felix Potocki and Severin Rzewuski, in 1792, the confederation (the Poles call it the plot, in favour of Russia) of Targovitza, which annihilated the hopes of the patriots. However this may be, Xavier Branicki retired to his lands of Bélaïa Tserkof, after having married a niece of the famous Potemkine, and obtained the title of count; and he died there in 1819. He left four children, one son and three daughters, but his widow, Countess Alexandra Vassilievna, remained until her death, which occurred in 1838, in possession of the immense property, which consisted of 130,000 serfs, established on the territorial property we are now speaking of, and also in other large properties situated in Ukraine, besides furniture and other moveable property, estimated at upwards of two hundred millions of roubles. Mouravief was well aware that the castle of Bélaïa Tserkof contained almost fabulous riches, in silver, and other precious objects, and he accordingly conceived the project of making himself master of it in order to gratify his followers, by the bribes it would enable him to bestow on them, and to increase their numbers by distributing money on the road.

Mouravief continued till evening came on, marching towards the property in question, but unfavourable intelligence that he received that night led him once more to change his intentions. He then resolved to return to Trilessié, in order to be nearer to the society of Sclavonians, and, if possible, to effect a junction with them. Thus, also, additional time was given for efficacious measures being taken at head-quarters to oppose him, and he had scarcely travelled a few hours than he found the road occupied, between the villages of Oustinovka and Korolevka, by a superior force, which invested him on all sides.

This force was under the immediate command of Lieutenant-General Roth, to whom Prince Clotcherbatof had intrusted the care of suppressing the rebellion. On the morning of the 15th, after having sent off, at midnight, twelve companies of infantry with four light field-pieces towards Bélaïa Tsérkof, in order to cut off their retreat, he despatched Major

com

General Geismar, with three squadrons of hussars and two field-pieces in pursuit of the rebels, while he himself moved in the direction of Fastof with five squadrons and six field-pieces, to cut off every chance of escape. Geismar, at the head of the central division, met the rebels upon

the heights of Oustinovka, and summoned them to surrender. All hopes of escape were vain, for the other divisions were approaching. The character of Mouravief did not belie itself at this critical moment. He saw that he must fall, and he prepared to die like a soldier. Having formed six companies into a square, he commanded them to advance

upon
the

guns brought against them, without firing a musket. It is possible that he may have entertained hopes that the artillery would not fire, but would rather be inclined to join the rebels. However that may be, the panies obeyed his command, but, met by a heavy discharge of grape, they became bewildered, confused, and broken. Mouravief, struck by one of the shot, fell, but got up again and continued the fight. The hussars then charged the rebels. Mouravief received a sabre cut on the head, and the square was broken. No longer capable of holding himself up, the intrepid chief still sought to rally his followers; but the latter, now 80 painfully undeceived, threw down their arms, implored for mercy, and delivered up their commander, bathed in blood, with their own hands. Bestoujef-Rumine was also made prisoner. Hippolyte Mouravief-Apostol was killed in the action ; his brother Mathieu, with second Captain Solovief, and Lieutenants Kouzmine, Chtchipilla, Bistritchy, and Masalevski, were also made prisoners. Kouzmine destroyed himself the same day. Soukhinof, another lieutenant, succeeded in making his escape, and got across the frontier, but he was arrested at Kichenef, and delivered up by the Moldavians, who had nothing to refuse to a too-powerful neighbour. There were neither wounded nor killed on the part of the imperial troops ; the rebels had not pulled a trigger, they had advanced like doomed men against the guns, had offered no resistance, and were all made prisoners to the number of seven hundred.

The state of Mouravief's wounds did not allow of his being immediately removed to St. Petersburg, a distance of 330 leagues from Vassilkof; but Mathieu was at once put on a sledge, and conveyed to the capital under a good escort. The emperor subjected him to a personal interrogatory, after which he allowed him to write to his father in his own cabinet.

Pestel, Serge Mouravief Apostol and Bestoujef Rumine, ultimately mounted the scaffold in company with the arch conspirators of the north, Conrad Ryléïf, and Peter Kakhofski. It was on this melancholy occasion that the cord slipped over the hoods of three of the sufferers, Ryléïf, Mouravief, and Bestoujef, and precipitated them into a deep hole beneath the scaffold. Although sadly bruised and hurt, they had once more to walk back and to resume their places, and it was on this occasion that Ryléïf is reported to have said, “Shall it then be said that nothing succeeds with me, not even death!" While Mouravief is said on his part to have exclaimed, “Cursed country, where they neither know how to conspire, nor to judge, nor to hang." Bestoujeof was so much hurt by his fall, that he had to be carried up to the gibbet. The knot was once more tied round their necks, and this time it did not let its victims go.

Thus the unfortunate Mouravief Apostol lost three sons at nearly the same fatal moment, and there only remained for him, as he has himself expressed it in a poetical effusion of his grief, to hide his head under their ashes.

A GRAYBEARD'S GOSSIP ABOUT HIS LITERARY

ACQUAINTANCE.

No. IX.

Forsan et hæc olim meminisse juvabit.

PERCY BYSSHE SHELLEY, CONTINUED AND CONCLUDED.

Though I had occasional interviews with Shelley after this commencement of our acquaintance, his wandering life prevented my seeing much of him until the year 1817, when I gladly accepted an invitation to pass a few days with him at Marlow, in Buckinghamshire, where he was settled. Since his first arrival in London, his circumstances had materially altered. He was now united to his second wife, whose talents justified her illustrious descent as the daughter of Godwin and Mary Wolstencroft ; while her virtues and her amiability, blessing their union with a domestic happiness which suffered no intermission up to the moment of her husband's death, infused a reconciling sweetness into the previously bitter cup of his life. At one time he had been reduced to such extremity of destitution as to be in danger of actual starvation; but, by consenting to cut off a portion of the entail on the estate to which he was entitled, he secured for himself an income of a thousand a year, which would have been more than competent, had his all-loving heart and ever-open hand allowed him to limit his charities. Denying himself all luxuries, and scarcely ever tasting any other food than bread, vegetables, and water, this good Samaritan wandered to the various prisons for debtors, and to the obscure haunts of poverty, to seek deserving objects for the exercise of his unwearied and lavish charity.

In Misery's darkest caverns known,

His ready help was ever nigh,
Where helpless Anguish pour'd the groan,

And lonely Want retired to die. Captain Medwin has related an affecting instance of his youthful generosity, in pawning his beautiful solar microscope to raise five pounds for the relief of a poor old man ; but the time had now arrived when, for the purposes of his unbounded benevolence, the strictest economising of his liberal income proved insufficient, and he had recourse to the ruinous expedient of raising money upon post obits. I can speak with certainty to his having bestowed upwards of five thousand pounds on eminent and deserving men of letters, gracing his munificence by the delicacy and tact with which he conferred it. And this large sum was exclusive of innumerable smaller donations to less distinguished writers, and of his regular alms to miscellaneous claimants and established pensioners. He loved to recount the rich legacies bequeathed to Cicero and to Pliny the Younger, by strangers whom their writings had delighted or instructed,

NOTE.—In our last “Graybeard's Gossip” the papers entitled “Shelley at Oxford,” inserted in this Magazine several years ago, were erroneously attributed to Captain Medwin. They were written by Mr. Hogg.