CHAPTER X

MADISON LETTER NUMBER ONE-THE VITAL PRINCIPLE OF THE AMERICAN PARTY

ENTLEMEN:-On the 3d March, Mr. Wise, the Governor of Virginia, addressed a letter to the Washington Union, ostensibly to correct an alleged misreport of some remarks attributed to him, but really, it would

seem to me, to make an occasion for an unjust and unprovoked assault on the American party. In that letter Mr. Wise uses the following language:

"Certainly the cause of civil and religious freedom, maintained by the Democracy of Virginia, was nobly supported by many of the truly conservative, conscientious, and constitution-loving Whigs of our State, but I never was able to fix their number. We gladly took them in exchange for the renegade Democrats who sneaked away from their former friends, and took a test oath in the secrecy of the culvert, by the light of a dark lantern. Whether these Whigs can be reclaimed by the new nomination at Philadelphia, time will show. I think they cannot be. Mr. Fillmore is no longer a Whig; he has been changed by the hocus pocus of the necromancy of Sam. In the next Presidential canvass there will be new issues presented by three parties: the white man's party-the Democratic; the black man's party-the Black Republicans; the mulatto party-the cross of northern and southern Know Nothings, and the ticket of Messrs. Fillmore and Donelson. All nature abhors vacuums and mongrels and so do conscientious, conservative, and constitution-loving Whigs of Virginia. They can put up better with pure Africans-wool, flat nose, odor, ebon skin, and gizzard foot and all, better than they can bear that cross of the Caucasian and Cuffey, which you call a mulatto."

With regard to the taste displayed by Mr. Wise in regard to his epithets and illustrations, I have not one word to say, for an old proverb admonishes us that there is no disputing about tastes. Nor shall I stop to inquire whether it is altogether in accordance with the usages of the past, for the Chief Magistrate of the Commonwealth to descend to the arena of party politics. Passing all these things by, I propose to make Mr. Wise's letter my text for a series of articles intended to explain the true doctrines and policy of the American party, and to show that they are obnoxious to none of the charges and insinuations made by Mr. Wise, but, on the other hand, that they are sanctioned by the principles of the Constitution, by the practice and known opinions of the Fathers of the Republic, and by the obvious dictates of patriotism and common sense.

Vague and indefinite assertions like those indulged in by Mr. Wise may for a time impose on the unenlightened, particularly when supported by the prestige of a distinguished name, and high official position, but, with men of sense, they will pass as the idle wind unless they are sustained by proof.

It is to be regretted that Mr. Wise should allow his prejudices and impetuosity of temper to mislead him so far as in effect to question the patriotism of near one-half of his fellow-citizens, men quite as intelligent and quite as honest as himself.

The reason, doubtless, is, that Mr. Wise is a man of great talent and self-reliance, and much quickness of perception, but by no means given to patient investigation and the calm and dispassionate examination of facts and principles. When he glances at a subject, he readily embraces prominent views of it, and fancies that he has seen it in all its aspects and understands it in all its relations and details.

Unfortunately the American party was first presented to Mr. Wise under circumstances peculiarly unfavorable to his forming a fair judgment of its principles and merits. He was a candidate for the office of Governor of Virginia, when the American party first became recognized in the State, and

he saw it in an attitude of antagonism to himself. He saw it like a lion in his path, and a lion somewhat shrouded in mystery. Without stopping to inquire what the principles. of the party were, and what its policy was likely to be, he forthwith made fierce and unrelenting war upon it and brought all his powers of mind, and body, too, into the contest. He had no opponent on the hustings-he traversed the whole State representing Americanism to be just what his heated imagination supposed it to be-and after a campaign against a phantom of his own creation, he came off the victor by near ten thousand votes. It is not to be wondered. at then, that Mr. Wise, after dwelling upon his distempered views of Americanism for more than a year, should conscientiously believe that it is some dreadful monster, threatening the peace and welfare of the country.

And I will add here that it is a suitable retribution upon that party that it should have been misrepresented and misunderstood for its shameful delinquency in the contest of 1855, in not sending forth a champion to do battle in its behalf,—to explain its doctrines, to vindicate its principles, to exhibit to the public its proposed policy,— and to scatter to the winds the thousand and one idle stories that were circulated in regard to it.

But all that is past; we have to deal now with the Americanism of 1856, not with the blunders and follies of 1855. The party has cast aside the veil of secrecy, and all its cumbrous mummery, and it now presents itself as an open organization, in the full light of day,-with its principles emblazoned on its banners, challenging the confidence, the admiration and the affection of true patriots.

All it asks is to be tried by its principles and the measures which it proposes as the legitimate result of those principles. It asks Virginians to look at them fairly and dispassionately, and to say whether they are not the principles of the Constitution, both State and Federal,—the principles of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and the other Fathers of the Republic, the principles best calculated to arrest the tide of radicalism, and socialism, and black republicanism,

which have for years past been sweeping over this land; and to maintain inviolate the institutions of the South, the guarantees of the Constitution, and the interests of the country. If they be not such, then I ask no support for them.

These are the propositions which I mean to establish, not by vague assertion, not by catch-words and empty declamation, but by substantial and well-authenticated facts, drawn. from the Constitution, the laws, and history of our country. I shall state nothing which I will not prove by evidence which I deem worthy of credit. I invite the strictest scrutiny, and if I inadvertently fall into any error, I will cheerfully correct it when satisfied by proof that I am wrong.

The opinions of men on all political, as well as moral questions, will be as diverse as the minds of those who entertain them. Much latitude must be allowed and much toleration practised on this subject. But historical facts are fixed and unchangeable and are susceptible of being brought to a standard by good reasons. My facts will rest on authorities which I will cite wherever the matters are not of such recent occurrence and general notoriety as to render the citation of authority unnecessary.

I will also state in advance that it is my purpose studiously to abstain from all harsh and offensive expressions; to make no personal imputations, and to observe that courtesy to those who differ from me which should always distinguish the intercourse of gentlemen.

With these preliminary remarks, I proceed to examine some of the positions assumed by Mr. Wise.

"Certainly," says that gentleman, "the cause of civil and religious freedom, maintained by the Democracy of Virginia, was nobly supported by many of the truly conservative, conscientious, constitution-loving Whigs of our State, but I never was able to fix their number."

I presume that there can be no rational doubt that the fair inference to be drawn from this sentence is that the American party, and those Whigs and Democrats who cooperated with them in the canvass of last spring, were, in the judgment of Mr. Wise, opposed to the cause of civil

and religious freedom. He regards the cause of civil and religious freedom as having been an issue in that contest, and he says that the Democrats and a portion of the Whigs who acted with them "maintained" and "nobly supported" that cause. Now, unless it had been opposed, or in some way assailed, there would have been no necessity for maintaining and no merit in nobly supporting it. The fair, nay the inevitable inference then is, that those who were arrayed against Mr. Wise and his friends were waging war on the cause of civil and religious freedom. How did they oppose it? Certainly not by the mere act of voting against Mr. Wise. He doubtless means that the warfare was carried on by attempting to establish the ascendency of the principles and measures of the American party. This naturally leads us to inquire what those principles and measures are, and to the consideration of the question whether there is any antagonism between them and the cause of civil and religious freedom.

Some great fundamental principle lies at the bottom of every party organization. It is the root to which all the measures and policy of the party may be traced. It gives the complexion and character to all its legislative and executive action.

The leading principle of the Whig party was conservatism, exhibiting itself in opposition to what it conceived to be unwarranted assumptions of power by the Federal Executive; in a deep devotion to the Constitution; in a love of law and order; and in a reverent looking up to the Fathers of the Republic for instruction and guidance in the affairs of government.

The cardinal principle of modern Democracy, as it appears to me, is radicalism, exhibiting itself in utter disregard of the teachings of history and experience; an abject subserviency to what Mr. Randolph called "King Numbers"; a reckless spirit of innovation under the specious disguises of "Progress" and "Manifest Destiny"; a disposition to regard the will of the majority as the measure of its power and the guide of its policy, however much that "will" may be op