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thought of for a moment as not quite impossible that this absolute Reason, from which all truth and beauty flow, might come down some day from heaven, and reveal itself as an example to mankind. The transient conjecture never settled into hope, but for us Christians it has been realized; we have our Example; yet we may still learn something from Plato's noble attempt to supply His place, especially in observing the many points in which Plato anticipated the Christian ideal.

little if at all reciprocated by Germany. They have indeed sprung, not from any dispute between the two countries, but between Russians and Germans within the Russian Empire.

The German element is very numerous in Russia, and its weight is far in excess of its numbers. In the Baltic provinces the nobles are exclusively, and the higher middle classes almost exclusively, German, while the domestic and farm servants, the farm and town labourers, a part of the artisans, petty tradesmen and small farmers, and also a few educated men - anti

all belong to the subdued races who owned the land before the Germans conquered it.

Great men have traced the influence of Platonic thought in determining the ex-quaries, journalists, artists, medical men pression of Christian truth, and the form of the Church; and in his principles of asceticism and communism, and a thousand other points, abundant interest may be found. But to many it is not his theories or his artistic and historical value that most will make Plato dear; it is the high thoughts that centre in the name of Socrates. Our feeble muse already has "loitered in the master's field" too long, to attempt now by any words to darken so high a theme; but this may be said, that the opposition to a material view of things which we have mentioned as forming Plato's peculiar value now, is embodied, so to speak, in the person of Socrates.

This has been, as it promised, a faltering eulogy, rather than a well-informed guide to the study of Plato. But it is something to be reminded how happily, and how rationally too, a man may seek a resting-place from time to time in the calm regions of ideal truth. Though material things so importunately press around us, we may yet do well sometimes to turn away and fix our minds on objects which, though unseen, are eternal. So

In a season of calm weather,
Though inland far we be,

Our souls have sight of that immortal sea
Which brought us hither;

Can in a moment travel thither -
And see the children sport upon the shore,
And hear the mighty waters rolling evermore.

From The Pall Mall Gazette. RUSSIAN ANIMOSITIES AGAINST GERMANY.

WHILE Alexander II. is the stanch friend of Germany, public opinion among educated Russians follows an exactly opposite direction. These Russian animosities are curious. Violent as they seem to be, they are not ten years old, and are

From the Baltic provinces a perpetual stream of emigration flows into Russia Proper. The sons of the gentry crowd to St. Petersburg, enter the military and civil service of the Crown, and are, as Government officers, distributed over the Empire. They often rise to the highest honours, and not a few Baltic names borne by generations of statesmen, diplomatists, and generals are known in Western Europe. Among the middle classes the same movement may be noticed. The Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg is an almost entirely German establishment, in which Baltic elements prevail. The universities, colleges, observatories, and public libraries of Russia Proper owe many of their prominent men to Dorpat, the Baltic university. In the same university most of the private tutors, hundreds of medical men, and nearly all the apothecaries of Russia Proper have been educated. The military engineering service is directed by General Todleben, the defender of Sebastopol, and among his subordinates, as well as among the civil engineers, the Baltic element, to which he himself belongs, is strongly represented. A number of large estates in Russia are administered for their owners by Germans from the Baltic provinces, who have studied in the German academies of agriculture, and who are almost the only rational agriculturists in Russia Proper. All these Germans, and the far more numerous body of Germans of whom we shall have to speak, form everywhere in Russia congregations whose clergy are mostly of Baltic origin or descent.

Some families of nobles and a considerable number of learned Germans in Russia are not of Baltic extraction, but are natives of Germany or descendants of such natives: in nearly all the other classes of

alty of the Germans to the Government and the country-to perpetuate the distinctions between the two races.

Germans the Baltic element forms only a minority. The most powerful of these other classes is that of the bankers and merchants; the greater part of the com- It is remarkable how patiently and even merce with foreign countries being in the cheerfully the powerful position of the Gerhands of the Germans. In manufacturing mans was borne by most Russians down to and railway enterprise the Germans also a very recent period. The germs of the hold a high rank. Among shopkeepers grudges and quarrels which have lately they are not very numerous; but they made so much noise existed long ago. mostly succeed better than their Russian Some nobles grumbled at the German competitors, whom they generally surpass Court influence; some functionaries hated in knowledge, order, and steady industry, the cliques of powerful Germans, who ofthough certainly not in intelligence. As ten impeded the progress of Russians in regards the trades and handicrafts, the the public service; a few Panslavist scholhighest praise bestowed by Russians on ars and literary men felt aggrieved at the articles made in Russia is that they are of tenacity with which the Germans in RusGerman workmanship. In agriculture the sia preserved their language and tradisuperiority of the Germans is officially tions, while the Slavs in Prussia yielded recognized by the establishment of numer- more and more to Germanizing influences. ous German agricultural colonies, with This antagonism was, however, isolated; large privileges, in various parts of Russia, and the advantage derived by Russia especially in the south, south-west, near from the services, teaching, and example the Caucasus, along the river Volga, and of the Germans was generally and often in the neighbourhood of St. Petersburg. very warmly acknowledged. These colonies, which mostly preserve the costumes, implements, and dialects of those parts of Germany from which the first settlers emigrated, contain several hundred thousand souls, and with their wealth, order, and careful labour no body of Russian peasants can compare.

The good understanding that reigned between the two races between whom conflict would have been so natural must be principally attributed to some singular causes. The educated Russians were in the habit of imitating German, French, and English models, and of sneering at everything that bore a Russian stamp. However, they believed themselves predestined to rule one day over the Western world, which they regarded as in rapid decay; and they thought that the civilization they received from the West, and especially from Germany, would in their hands assume a novel and finished form which would realize all the aims and hopes of modern society.

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The Germans, with extremely few exceptions, do not belong to the Russian Church. Those in the Baltic provinces, and the great majority of those in Russia Proper, both in the towns and in the country, are Lutherans. The colonists number about 70,000, the greater part of whom are in the country. The Roman Catholies form but a small number of (mostly rustic) congregations. Some colonies are peopled with Mennonites, and a few with Two nearly simultaneous events, which adherents of other Protestant sects. seem at first sight in no way connected There is among all these denominations with the intercourse between Russians much more attachment to religious life and Germans in Russia - Prince Gortthan is generally to be found in Germany schakoff's reply to Earl Russell and the itself; and the whole organization of Ger- Sleswick-Holstein affair · were the causes man interests in Russia Proper centres in by which the somewhat artificial harmony the churches. To these all the German between the two races was disturbed and schools (with the exception of a few pri- broken. Having each braved with pervate establishments in the large towns) fect impunity the threats and warnings belong, and in most German schools reli- of Europe, Russia and Germany were by gious instruction is the principal object. their triumphs over helpless adversaries The German language, which is of course roused to an unwonted consciousness of the language of the church services and of strength; and thus a complete revolution the schools, is thus spoken with remark- was brought about in both countries, but able purity by families whose ancestors especially in Russia. Led by Katkoff, the arrived a hundred years ago. These reli- powerful and dauntless writer who had gious and national traditions, and the con- stimulated them to throw down the sequent infrequency of marriages with gauntlet to Western Europe, the Russians members of the Russian Church, contri- boldly asserted their claim to be a great bute very powerfully-in spite of the loy-nation. They repented of their past con

tempt for their own nationality, and glo- | cited by their quarrels with Russian funcrified with sudden and passionate ardour tionaries, some literary men in the Baltic everything that was nationally Russian. provinces had the unfortunate idea of apComparing the health and the racy fresh- pealing to their brethren in Germany. ness of Russian peasant life with the The events of 1866 had meanwhile taken sickly imitation of Western models to be place, and Bismarck had become the genobserved in their upper classes of society eral bugbear. His name was and is still and with their political institutions, they used by the discontented in the Baltic maintained that all the evils from which provinces to intimidate the Russians. The Russia suffered had come from abroad, Prussian Government was, of course, not and from Germany. The old grudges inclined to listen to the appeals. In the against the Germans found everywhere an press and among the public more sympaecho, and there arose a Know-nothingism thy was shown, and violently partial artiof a very peculiar character. As violent in their expressions as their American friends, the Russians were far too mild to hurt the persons of the Germans. Nay, they treated them individually with all their habitual civility and respect. It was a storm of words, which would probably have blown over had the Germans supported it with their usual meekness. But the new spirit which had risen in Germany had been rapidly communicated to the Germans in Russia; and haughty and angry words met with haughty and angry

answers.

The altered state of things was severely felt in the Baltic provinces. The subdued population of these provinces had long been claimed for the great Slavonic race by the Slavonic enthusiasts, and they had even insisted on making the Baltic Germans themselves admit that they were not merely subjects of the Emperor, but also under subjection to the Russian people. The resistance had however been more obstinate than the attack, and the Baltic provinces had been almost completely left to themselves. But what had formerly been the whims and fancies of a literary rather than a political party now became the object of a general and passionate desire which could not and did not fail to exercise its influence on the Government tiself. Some measures were taken to propagate the Russian language among the lower classes in the Baltic provinces, to enforce its study in the university and the public schools, and to introduce it into those parts of the administration by which the intercourse between the Central Government and the provinces was maintained. These measures had nothing severe or tyrannical about them. They raised, however, the most anxious apprehensions on account of the spirit by which they had been prompted. To quell and subdue the Germans certainly was the aim of the Slavonic party; and they were greatly encouraged by their early success.

cles, which were written with so much knowledge of the very difficult subject that they probably owed their origin to Dorpat or Riga, appeared in some of the leading daily papers. But no one dared to assert that Prussia had a right or an interest to interfere between the Emperor of Russia and his subjects.

In Russia these appeals excited as much irritation as if the King of Prussia and his Minister had received them with the greatest favour. The authors of the appeals were obliged to leave the country. The Russian Government itself was accused of permitting treasonable practices, and was vehemently urged to coerce the Baltic provinces as Poland had been coerced. Acrimonious, violent, and obstinate attacks were directed against those to whom the appeals had been addressed. That Prussia intended to meddle with the Baltic provinces in order to conquer them gradually became a national conviction shared by the majority of educated Russians up to the very highest classes. The amazing progress of Prussia added continually new fuel to the flame. It really was of a nature to increase the apprehensions of those who suspected and hated her; and the sudden rise of a mighty German Empire was a heavy blow to Panslavist dreams. In Germany scarcely any notice has been taken of these animosities, and that country may safely trust in the friendship of Alexander II.

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From The Spectator.

THE COUNT DE CHAMBORD. Of all eminent French personages, perhaps the least known is the one who, as the half of Europe believes, is about to be called to ascend the throne of France. Fairly rich, very unambitious, slightly indolent, and full of that personal dignity rarely wanting to his House, the Count de Moved by these apprehensions and ex-Chambord has led a life of consistent re

tirement, broken only by visits from a few | Reggio, a Bonapartist, that he is the adherents, by occasional travel, and by the worthy son "of the illustrious father who publication of a few letters provoked by conquered at Friedland and at Wagram." the incidents of the hour. Unhated, un- Orleanist, or Bonapartist, or Republican, feared, and unwatched, he has slipped out the Count judges every Frenchman as his of observation, until his very appearance Sovereign, entitled, whatever such Frenchis to the mass of European society abso- man may think, to consider his approval lutely unknown. Till within the last few the subject's highest reward. That is a weeks it would have been difficult to pur- very different state of mind from that of chase a likeness of him in any capital of the King who in 1816 sanctioned a schoolEurope except Paris, and still more diffi- book in which Napoleon's conquests were cult to find a man not a Legitimist with a related, and he was described as the King's clear impression of his personality. The Lieutenant-General. So complete is the sudden revival of his chances, however, is man's conviction that he is de jure France, provoking inquiry, the Catholic Church is that he feels an instinctive gratitude to interesting itself in his success, a kind of enemies if they have served France, preofficial photograph has been published, and cisely the emotion which seven months a sudden demand has tempted the book- ago induced him to order the Breton nosellers of Brussels to replace the cheap bles into the field under Gambetta, who edition of his letters published in 1860 by was theoretically, from his point of view, a an édition de luxe. There is not much to rebellious democrat. "Save France, for it be gathered either from the likenesses or is mine," was his thought, and to him the letters, but there is something, and Gambetta, while saving France, was no that something is not altogether unsatis- more obnoxious than a clever counsel is to factory, the main impression produced by the client who personally dislikes his opinboth being one of serenity, serenity of ions. His pledge to pardon all, to employ a very unusual, and it may be of a very all, to have no party, is not a pledge of useful kind. It is difficult to study the policy, but the expression of an instinct, letters or the face, and we have, besides of a sense of inherent superiority, of a the official photograph, before us, one much feeling that anyone born a Frenchman more unfavourable and one of a much su- who enters his service is returning reperior kind-without believing that the pentantly to his duty, that he has a right Count de Chambord is a man in whom an to command all, so inalienable that no absolute conviction, an immovable faith in question of party has in his presence any something, has produced a mental tran- meaning. He writes to the Duc de Nequillity which, if not goodness, has many mours, a rival prince; to the Duc de of its effects. The ground-tone of the face Reggio, a Bonapartist; to General de la and of the letters, which latter cover more Rochejaquelain, a sworn adherent, in prethan a quarter of a century, is unmistak-cisely the same tone, that of a Soverable, it is pride of a very lofty and, in eign, above party or personality, stating one way, very admirable kind, the pride his views with simple directness, and cerwhich produces calm. Royalism is not tain that because they are his views those merely the essential quality of the Count to whom he writes are honoured by their de Chambord's mind, it is the mind itself. communication. This feeling which underNothing is more remarkable in the letters lies every letter in this long series, is so than their freedom alike from animosi- intense that it extends to the Church, ties and from the mean jealousies so which the Count perpetually promises to common among French politicians, or more protect, from above. His authority is, evident than the origin of that high calm. in his judgment, as divine as that of any "I am," he thinks "the head of the House priest, and Bishops, like other men, must of France, so certainly, so securely, that in all but spiritual things obey it. This rivalry is impossible, jealousy ridiculous, note, for example, of 29th May, 1857, may vindictiveness a waste of power." Who be the note of a devoted Catholic; but it "serves France serves me," the Count is certainly not the note of a man whose writes to General Latour-Maubeuge; and policy will be wholly directed by the we believe this feeling to be entirely un- Church:-"Nul doute que je ne sois affected, for the Count on one occasion disposé à laisser à l'Eglise la liberté goes far out of his way to record his qui lui appartient et qui lui est nécesapproval of the conquest of Algiers, an saire pour le gouvernment et l'adminisincident which was for him a disaster be-tration des choses spirituelles, et à m'encause it strengthened his rival's throne, tendre constamment pour cela avec le and on another to remind the Duke de saint-père. Mais de leur côté, les Evêques

et tous les membres du clergé ne sauraient éviter avec trop de soin de mêler la politique á l'exercice de leur ministère sacré, et de s'immiscer dans les affaires qui sont du ressort de l'autorite temporelle; ce qui n'est pas moins contraire à la dignité et aux intérêts de la religion elle-même qu'au bien de l'Etat." "You sing mass but I will govern." There is a curious reminiscence in that letter of the old Bourbon tone towards the Church, as there is in another and later one, not included in the series before us, in which, as we distinctly recollect, the Count maintained the freedom of the State as against the Church with something of acerbity. He, the King is, in his own judgment, as sacred an institution as the other, and although he holds the Papal sovereignty over the States of the Church to be a sacred thing, it is mainly because it is to his mind the highest expression of Legitimist right. No government based on tradition, he says over and over again, can last if that one is allowed to go, but his idea of the limits within which that power should be confined is not very widely different from that of Louis XIV. Italy has much to dread from him, but within France we doubt if the Church will find in the Count precisely the instrument she desires.

A King whose whole mind was thus penetrated with the spirit of Royalism, would, in most instances, be a despot; but in the case of the Count de Chambord the effect of his creed has been to tranquillize, rather than to intensify, the kingly thirst for power. He has waited for the throne for thirty years as an heir to a great property waits, quite sure of its arrival, but quite incapable of intriguing to accelerate it. He is so sure of his own rights that, provided they are acknowledged, he asks little else, is ready to promulgate any desired constitution, and shows a complete willingness to accept advice. We should say indeed that he desired advice from a consciousness of a certain necessity for obtaining it. It is as difficult to establish such a point as to prove a negative; but we believe all who carefully study these letters will detect in their writer a total want of originating power, and a strong but not uneasy consciousness of that want. His rights are not dependent in his own mind on his capacities. Capacities are for Cæsars, not for Kings, who, safe from all possibility of rivalry, may expediently benefit by all brains. He perpetually deals with great questions, such, for example, as the recon

ciliation of order with liberty, the condition of the proletariat, the relation of the Church to the State, and expresses on those and all other points aspirations very like those of an old English Whig, but never by any chance suggests any scheme or policy or thought through which they may be realized. There is not in the entire collection the outline of a plan. The single idea is that if the State is founded on historic tradition, and the monarch honestly desirous of the right, and ready to employ all capacities, all forces, and all parties, - then he will be sure to find in his advisers enough of practical capacity to realize the wishes of the country. All that is needed is that he should be honest and choose honest men, and then liberty and order, Catholicism and toleration, Monarchy and equality, are sure to be ultimately reconciled. This is evidently not the faith of a mind of original power, but it is that of a mind very simple, very benevolent, and inclined to a somewhat indolent reflectiveness, which, in the absence of actual business in life requiring to be done, has led him to just and wide but rather vague conclusions. The Count de Chambord, it is clear, has thought out the ends he desires, but has avoided through life the trouble of thinking out the means through which he expects that they may be secured. This is not the temper of a despot, or of a man eager for personal rule; but rather of a constitutional King, whose notion of his own prerogative is that it gives him, above all men, the right to take as well as to demand advice, whose function will be mainly to decide whether the men he selects do succeed or fa in realizing his objects. A tranquil, indolent, dignified gentleman, habitually inclined to dwell on great subjects, but without any particular mental power; entirely without the special intellectual vices of France, but equally devoid of her special intellectual force; an English Tory, in fact, of the kindlier and loftier sort, that is the man we seem to discern in the writer of these letters. Whether such a man can rule France in such an hour will depend on an unknown condition, — the capacity natures of this sort sometimes display in the selection of advisers, capacity which the Comte de Chambord may or may not have; but of this we feel certain, that whether a failure or a success, he will be a dignified king, will excite few personal hatreds, and will be kindly treated by historians.

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