and, with some variation, in Cumberland, Westmorland, and Lancashire, to the north of the Ribble. It is, as might be expected, more like English to the south of the Tees, and more like Scotch as we approach the Tweed, but its essential peculiarities are everywhere preserved.' So wrote the late Mr. Garnett, in 1836;* and since that year the publication of certain works of Richard Rolle, the famous Hermit of Hampole,' who died in 1349-his Pricke of Conscience' for the Philological Society, and his English Prose Treatises' for the Early English Text Society-has afforded the means of comparing the earlier forms of the dialect, for the Hermit' wrote in his own tongue' for the 'unlered and lewed' people, with those still in use. would seem that the purest Anglian of the Northumbrian English' lingers in the Craven district-least intruded on by Danes or Northmen. Whitaker long ago pointed out, and Mr. Garnett confirmed his discovery, that Chaucer, in his 'Reve's Tale,' makes Johan and Alayn,' scholars of Solere's Hall in Cambridge, speak a dialect from this part of Yorkshire: 6 'Of oo toun were thei born that highte strother, It 'Strother' is no doubt Langstrother at the head of Wharfedale; and the dialect which Chaucer employs he possibly copied from what he had himself heard spoken in 'Solere Hall' by some rude Langstrothdale student. A tourist who should pass from this region to the hills of Cleveland would find the difference of speech very marked. Of all parts of Yorkshire Cleveland was that most completely colonised by Danes. Local and personal names, the dialect itself, and even its proverbs and wise sayings, show that the older Anglian settlers must have been either altogether expelled, or reduced to a very small minority. This has been well shown by the Rev. Mr. Atkinson, of Danby-an indefatigable explorer of local antiquities, who is happily placed for the success of his work in the most undisturbed part of the Cleveland district. He is occupied in preparing a complete glossary of this most interesting dialect, which will do for this Northern English' very much what Jamieson has done for Scottish. And here we must stop. Where so much that is attractive still lies hopelessly spread out before us, it is better to turn away our eyes from the pleasant prospect, and to make the historical Yorkshire we have imperfectly traversed 'finis chartæque viæque.' * See English Dialects,' in the 'Quarterly Review,' for February, 1836. ART. ART, IX.-1. Address to the Electors of the County of Buckingham. 3. Letter to a Gentleman on Government Finance. By the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone (August 20, 1868). 4. Letters by General Peel and Mr. Hunt on the National Expenditure. 5. Speech of the Right Hon. H. T. L. Corry, on proposing the Navy Estimates, 1868. WE E are now fairly face to face with the great Democratic reaction' from which we have been taught to expect so many signal benefits, and it is possible to estimate in part its first results. Radical authorities have come to the conclusion that the changes will not be so great as were generally anticipated. The new House of Commons will be composed of very much the same material as the old. The quality of the candidates on the Liberal side has disappointed the intellectual leaders of the party, and the addresses which those candidates have issued are sufficient to moderate the expectations of all who fancied that supreme wisdom in the national councils would inevitably follow a wide extension of the suffrage. If the present aspirants to public honours are not remarkable for their prudence or sagacity, they well deserve to be remembered for their attempts to surpass each other in devotion to the interests of the poorer classes. With so many friends eager to serve him, it is strange that the working-man ever found his need of enfranchisement. If Liberal protestations were sincere, he would have no grievances left to redress. There is not a pledge which the Radical candidate is unprepared to give. He sets out with Mr. Gladstone's name as a talisman, and ends with a comprehensive undertaking to forsake any opinions of his own to which the electors may have the least objection. In this pliability he imitates, if he cannot rival, his distinguished leader. The candidates drawn from the working classes are so few that Radical experts have been obliged to invent ingenious theories to account for the phenomenon. No one regards the pretenders who have merely their impecuniosity and their connexion with the Hyde Park riots to recommend them, as true representatives of the English workman. The truth is that the new force has not been obedient to its first impulse. It has been turned aside in favour of a class which no party in the State was anxious to serve, but which was always certain to gain a profitable place in the new system of government. If some old and experienced members of Parliament have bidden farewell farewell to public life, we may rest satisfied that their loss will not be felt, since the principle is now prescribed for us that the educated and the uneducated are equally competent to form a sound judgment on national affairs. There is one section of our former rulers who deserve all our sympathy. The last representatives of the old Whigs have solemnly abdicated their former functions. The day of their power is over, although they obtain the melancholy privilege of remaining in its shadow by nominating as their successors the men to whom their party had already transferred its allegiance. Revolutionists who drive a monarch from his throne will sometimes permit him to name the person in whose favour he withdraws. This is the concession which has been graciously accorded to the elder Whigs. An organisation has arisen within the circle even of the modern Liberal party, which knows no law but that of continual change. The discontented section of the community have found many leaders claiming the advantages of education or social position, and thus the needy demagogue has been beaten with his own weapons. He has found that he cannot compete with his old enemies even at the trade of agitation. The new confederacy is fast growing in power, apparently to the displeasure, and undeniably to the injury, of the orthodox Liberals. This growth, interesting as it will hereafter be in the history of constitutional government, affects in only an indirect manner the Conservative party. Whatever may be the rate of advance of the democratic theory, there will always be found in this country a large proportion of the people opposed to innovations made for the sake of imitating Governments that have by no means succeeded elsewhere; and this class will form a compact party. The Liberals, on the other hand, must necessarily be henceforth divided into sections, generally antagonistic to each other, although capable of occasional amalgamation for temporary purposes. They may unite to displace their opponents, but their unanimity will be in danger the moment they have accomplished this one object. Each subdivision will have its own ends to pursue, and unless by the application of more stringent methods of party government than we have been accustomed to in England, perfect discipline will be unattainable. It will also be more difficult than ever to ensure steadfast support in the country. Majorities which can be almost instantly changed by popular will are necessarily capricious and uncertain, for the controlling power is liable to be affected by a variety of circumstances which are not in any way connected with definite principles. Personal prejudices, the deliberate misrepresentations of partisans, or the successful appeals of unscrupulous sycophants, may may disturb the judgment of the people. If the great body of electors, which now includes a majority of persons little familiar with public affairs, was always certain to be influenced through their reason alone, it would be possible to frame a policy which could be carried on over a series of years, and a party honestly managed might hope to retain the confidence of the nation. But reason is not the faculty to which the Radical leaders, as a rule, think of appealing. They argue to the interests or passions of their constituents. Men of this character naturally refuse to own submission to any central authority. Armed with special crotchets of their own, they seek to attract to themselves a knot of independent supporters, and carry on the warfare of guerillas. The effect of these dissensions upon the parties of the hour is of comparatively little moment, but it is impossible not to perceive that they render good government increasingly difficult. Mr. Gladstone has had some experience of the value of professions made on the eve of an election, and he is able to judge how many of those who now take Liberal vows in his name will be found faithful to him a year hence. He has doubtless looked beyond the question upon which the nation is to give an immediate decision, and studied the situation which he will occupy in the event of his recall to power. It would be strange if he had not discerned that his real difficulties will begin in the hour of his triumph. How is he to satisfy the unnatural coalition which for a variety of purposes are now encouraging him by their support? That which would content the Roman Catholics would drive the Dissenters to fury. Carry out a policy adapted to the wishes of the Nonconformists, and the Roman Catholics, together with a considerable section of Mr. Gladstone's Church supporters, would be at once estranged from the leader. Mr. Gladstone's ingenuity has hitherto failed to devise a method of redistributing the endowments of the Irish Church, or if he has thought of a plan he is afraid to avow it. He treats of the subject in his address with manifest aimlessness. In the absence of a policy, he is reduced to evasions, or irritable denials of the policy which 'perverse rumour attributes to him. Some of his counsellers, indeed, urge him not to busy himself with the future. Let us first disendow the Church,' they say, ' and then think what is to be done afterwards.' This method of managing the affairs of a country has the negative merit of novelty. We are to adopt a policy in premeditated disregard of its ulterior consequences. It would consequently be an advantage if statesmen could reduce themselves to the condition of the eyeless fish, which pass an agreeable existence in the dark recesses of a famous cave. The contrivance is eminently agreeable to Mr. Glad stone's stone's followers at the present moment, although it does not seem flattering to the intelligence of the new constituencies. Government by blindfold is the greatest blessing of which they can conceive. The Romanists eagerly applaud Mr. Gladstone, for they know that whoever may lose by his policy they must inevitably be gainers. Never before did a great statesman declare that his scheme for the tranquillisation of a kingdom began and ended with a single act of destruction. But he is not alone responsible for strategy so eccentric. His party had rebelled against his authority. They had declared themselves a rabble. Two years of exclusion from office had, however, conquered the aversion with which many of the Liberals openly avowed they regarded their leader, and a new rallying point held out the prospect of a general reconciliation. Formidable antagonists might reasonably expect to be remembered favourably if they transferred their opposition to the Conservative party, and helped to bring Mr. Gladstone back to office. Unfortunately for themselves, the allies cannot possibly be faithful to each other, and the extreme wing of the Liberal party foresee a defection similar to that which cost them humiliation in 1866. They are therefore anxious to introduce into use in England some of the engines of party warfare which the ingenuity of an inventive people long ago devised. The rate at which Radical candidates have multiplied bewilders the principal managers. Everywhere a Radical has sprung up in the night, demanding to be a leader unto himself. In nearly thirty instances there were, at the beginning of October, four, five, or even six Liberal candidates struggling for boroughs which returned only one or two members. In the face of so much patriotic ardour, we cannot wonder that some of the elder leaders have suggested the importation of that effective instrument, the nominating convention. By means of this arrangement, a few trustworthy persons in every borough may be appointed to select candidates, force them upon the constituency, and drive intruders from the field. When a well winnowed set of adherents are thus returned it will only be necessary to restrain their action in Parliament, and this could be accomplished by deciding upon all measures in private consultation, and expelling from the party ranks members who showed symptoms of contumacy. Thus strengthened by the nominating convention and the party caucus,' practical unity might be restored to the Liberal ranks. At present all is disorder and insubordination; the old bonds are broken, and new ones are not yet made. If we desire to test the claims of the Liberals to the support of the country, no fairer method can be devised than that of examining their opinions with regard to the questions of the day Vol. 125.-No. 250. 2 N which |