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Kind and sympathetic, without any assumed condescension, always ready to give a word of advice, and possessing sufficient precision of temper to prev.nt bores taking too much advantage of his kind-heartedness and affability, he is really such a model Whip that no one wondered, when the Government last came into power, and when his long services justly earned a higher place, that Mr. Gladstone showed his shrewdness in this respect as in so many others, as to insist on Mr. Marjoribanks becoming first Whip, and being content not to claim a higher position, to which we are sure everyone considered him entitled."

Treasury, and from March, 1894, was Lord Privy Seal, and from May of the same year was also Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster down to the fall of the Roseberry Government last year. For Lord Tweedmouth one cannot doubt that further political triumphs are yet in store. He is deserving of them all.

His Lordship entertains an active and increasing interest for all that pertains to the Border country from which his ancestors sprang, and of which he is practically a native. He has had his residence for many years in the snug mansion-house of Ninewells in Berwickshire, the property of the Humes, of which family came

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Very early in Mr. Marjoribanks's political career he found favour in the eyes of his chief, a favour which developed into a feeling of profoundest confidence in the ability of the young Scottish men ber. When difficulties arose in a constituency, or some important party problem had to be solved, it was no uncommon thing for Mr. Gladstone to say "We'll take Marjoribanks's opinion." He was even heard to say at a certain critical juncture, "Marjoribanks has never misled me." To be so trusted was certainly no meaningless compliment. In Mr. Gladstone's second Home Rule administration, Lord Tweedmouth held the office of Patronage Secretary to the

London.

David Hume the greatest of Scottish philosophers. When David Hume spent his early days at Ninewells the place was vastly different from what it is now. Then it was a small plain building, nothing more than a very modest farmhouse with the pigs and poultry round about the doors.* Hutton Hall, in the same county, a quaint specimen of a Border fortalice, strongly situated on a steep bank overlooking the winding Whitadder is Lord Tweedmouth's own property. He also owns the charmingly picturesque residence of Guisachan, near Beauly, in Inverness-shire, a

*For a view of the old building see Chambers' Book of Days for April 26, Vol. 1. page, 555.

region of fine hills and waving woods. Both in Berwickshire and in the North his Lordship is held in high esteem by tenantry and servants, and in no less degree by the general body of the people where his lands lie. He occupies several

public posts in the two counties.

As President of the Edinburgh Border Counties Association-an Association which has done much to foster education and literature in the different Border districts, Lord Tweedmouth is exceedingly popular. At the annual meeting and dinner his genial presence is always most cordially welcomed. There Politics, for the time being, are laid aside. All party distinctions are lost sight of in the good cheer and kindly spirit that surround the social board. Men meet there as brother Borderers. The speech and song pass round in merry glee. Toasts are pledged with a right Border heartiness. It is a patriotic assembly, and when you once attend it, you cannot resist the temptation of going again the next time, and truth to tell, you somehow or other don't want to miss it. Lord Tweedmouth looks upon this gathering as one of the delights of his life. By the puff of his manilla and his twinkling eye, you have no difficulty in discerning that the chairman for one is in an element of pleasurable enjoyment. Long may he grace this yearly festival! and long may the diligent and persevering Mr. Usher "whip" him to it!

Lord Tweedmouth in company is a most sociable and likeable man. He can tell a good

story and crack a good joke even though it is at his own expense. He is not in any way of the "standoffish" character, but is frankness itself. His public career has been devoted to the people, and in private he does not belie the deep-set principles that have made him what he is. Political life for such a man should surely pass smoothly enough in spite of all its cares, for he is hardly of the material out of which bitterness could emanate, and in his presence as a true-born gentleman, unworthiness and craft might well seek to hide their faces.

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of the glorious reign of the Good King Robert -vanished for ever. It seemed as if the great aim and purpose of his life were doomed to utter and absolute failure. Nothing could be more fatal to the hopes and aspirations of the Scottish people in their struggle for national independence; nothing more subversive of that mutual feeling of peace and good-will which had begun to manifest itself in the relations of the two kingdoms.

His

An interval of four years elapsed between the death of Bruce and the Battle of Halidon Hill. During that short period Scotland suffered many and serious reverses. The later years of his reign were like a gleam of sunshine, scattering for a while the gloomy shadows of war. death, however, witnessed a sudden turn of affairs. One misfortune after another crowded upon the unhappy country. In place of that prudent and sagacious monarch, a boy of nine years filled the Scottish throne. Her bravest and most experienced knights were either dead or prisoners in the hands of the English. The Good Sir James Douglas, faithful friend and follower of the late king, lay dead on the moors of Spain. Lord Randolph Moray, appointed regent of the kingdom on the death of Bruce, was also dead. Sir William Douglas, the brave "Knight of Liddesdale," was a prisoner in the hands of the English, and Sir Andrew Moray, who succeeded Randolph as regent, was also a prisoner. Internal quarrels prevailed, which split up the country into petty factions. All these misfortunes combined to make Scotland a ready prey to English intrigue and usurpation. That Edward was not slow to embrace what appeared to him a fitting opportunity to re-establish the old claim of supremacy will appear as our narrative proceeds.

The year 1328 forms an interesting epoch in Scottish affairs. An English parliament, assembled at York, drew up an agreement, afterwards ratified at Northampton, which is known as the Treaty of Northampton. In this, Robert Bruce was acknowledged as king of Scotland ; and Scotland itself recognised for ever as a free and independent kingdom. It was declared by Edward III., in the solemn words of this treaty, that as he and his predecessors, kings of England, had sought to obtain a right of dominion and superiority over Scotland, and thereby caused grievous wars and bloodshed, now renounced all further claims of superiority over the kingdom of Scotland for then: and their heirs for all time to come. With what fidelity Edward observed the terms of this treaty remains to be seen.

Taking advantage of Bruce's death, and the

minority of David II., Edward Balio considered the present a favourable opportunity for seizing his father's throne. In this enterprise, though a distinct infringement of the Treaty of Northampton, he was secretly encouraged and aided by Edward III. Balio succeeded in several engagements against the Scots, and was crowned at Scone, 24th September, 1332. In a subsequent engagement at Moffat, in Annandale, he was defeated, and, in a miserable and half-naked condition, driven out of the country. Though rid, for a time at least, of a troublesome enemy, the state of the country was not reassuring. Deprived of her best leaders and her bravest knights, without a regent, and with only a weak youth of nine years on the throne, the prospect was gloomy enough. Edward III., as they well knew, was only waiting a favourable opportunity for invading the country, and a

by Robert Bruce, Berwick was restored to its rightful owners. That while they would refuse no terms of accommodation, provided they were honourable, if he (King Edward) attempted any unjust violence they, in defence of the guardianship of the king committed to them, would rather die an honourable death than consent to any peace disgraceful to themselves and to the kingdom."

On the 4th of April, 1333, the siege commenced both by land and sea. Edward himself did not arrive till the 16th of May. Several attempts were made to take the town by assault, but these failed. Thus hemmed in, the Scots indulged in frequent sallies against the besiegers, and in one of these, a son of Seton, having ventured too far, was taken prisoner by the English. Otherwise, the latter fared badly, their ships being either burned or driven back to sea.

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plausible pretext for the violation of a treaty, which to him was sacred only as it served his own ambitious ends. In view of this, the Scots fortified and strongly garrisoned the town of Berwick, and appointed as its commander Alexander Seton, a noble and illustrious knight.

This precaution had no sooner been adopted than Edward declared war against Scotland. As a pretext, so that his breach of treaty might have some show of justice, he sent an embassy to Seton demanding the town of Berwick, which he claimed as having been possessed by his father and grandfather. The governor's reply was worthy of himself as a noble and patriotic Scot; worthier still of the cause he espoused:"Berwick," he said, "had always belonged to the Scots until the first Edward seized it by foul means; and that when Scotland was recovered

"That toun straitly assegede be
Bathe be land and be the se,
And fast assaylyd it a day:

Bot thai were dwngyn welle away."

The king on his arrival subjected the town to a strict blockade, thus cutting it off from all provision of men and victuals. He then offered terms of capitulation, which the besieged, hemmed in and exposed to all the horrors of hunger and famine, accepted. The terms of capitulation were that, unless aid in the form of men and provisions arrived within a certain time, the town should be given over to the English on condition of life and limb to the inhabitants. Hostages were given by the Scots as a guarantee of good faith, amongst these being a Alexander Seton, governor of the town. Within a few days of the time agreed upon, a

son of

Scottish army appeared on the south side of the Tweed and threatened the besiegers in that part. The attention of the latter being thus diverted, Sir William Keith, with a party of Scots, entered the town and thus saved it from immediate and inevitable surrender. Edward, however, would not admit that this amounted to a relief party, and, on the expiry of the time stipulated for the surrender of the town, he declared that, unless it were immediately given up, he would put to death Seton's son. Keith who had succeeded as governor, acting on the advice of the elder Seton, refused to surrender; and so young Seton was executed for breach of agreement. A second agreement was then entered into between the besiegers and besieged, the terms of which were more explicit. These were that free access should be given to Edward on the 19th July, unless the garrison were to be previously relieved by the entrance of two hundred men, or the Scots had defeated the English in a pitched battle.

While these things were taking place in and around Berwick, the Scots were making active preparations to enable them to cope with the forces of Edward. The Scottish Parliament appointed Sir Archibald Douglas, brother of the "Good Sir James," as guardian to conduct the campaign. Having collected a considerable force, he crossed the border, ravaged Northumberland, and laid siege to Pamborough Castle, where the English queen was then residing. It was this same ariny that attracted the attention of the besieged when Keith and his few followers entered the town.

According to the terms of treaty, the governor, Sir William Keith, was promis d a safe conduct to enable him to leave the town for the purpose of consulting the Guardian of Scotland on the method of operations, and to return to his post of duty unmolested. Accordingly, Keith held a consultation with Douglas, and the latter at once declared his intention of attempting to relieve the town by means of a pitched battle. This was considered a rash decision, and one from which the Scottish nobles tried to dissuade him. It was also against the advice of Bruce, given shortly before his death, never to fight a pitched battle with England. Douglas, however, was resolute, and, retracing his steps Berwickward, crossed the Tweed, marched round the base of Halidon Hill, and took up his quarters at Dunspark, a place which is now unknown.

Edward, seeing the advancing columns of the Scottish army, at once drew up his forces on the eminence of Halidon Hill. He saw the advantage to be gained by possessing himself of such an excellent position. This eminence lies

to the north west of the town of Berwick, distant from it about a mile and a half. From its great height and steepness the place is almost unassailable. The view from the summit is one which, for beauty and extent, can scarcely be surpassed, embracing no fewer than five different counties. Here the English army was arranged in four large divisions, each of which was flanked by choice bodies of archers, led by knights of great experience and skill.

On the morning of the 19th July, Douglas, having consulted with the other nobles on the plan of battle, drew up his forces on a small eminence opposite Halidon Hill, and separated from the English host by a low marsh. They also were arranged in four companies; the first led by the Earl of Moray, the second by the Steward of Scotland, a youth of 16, under the inspection of his uncle, Sir James Stewart of Rosyth, the third by Douglas himself, and the fourth by the Earl of Mar, (Hailes, in his Annals of Scotland, names the Earl of Ross as the leader of the fourth.)

Let us for a brief moment glance at the relative positions, and consider the chances of success or otherwise, of the two armies as they now stand facing each other. The English host stood on ground which was almost impregnable, and so elevated above their opponents as to afford them enormous advantage, whether acting in the defensive or in the discharge of arrows upon the approaching columns of Scottish infantry. On the other hand inevitable disaster seemed to be the only possible fate of the Scottish host on the lower ground. Since it was apparent that the English meant to remain where they were and not descend to the plain below, it behoved Douglas, if he were to be of any use to the besieged town, to advance upon the enemy and attack them in their strong position. It seemed madness to attempt so daring an enterprise. Only a hot-headed Douglas could lead on to such a doom. Their position was only slightly raised above the general level of the plain, and from this they must descend into the low marsh that separated them from the army of England, and climb the steep ascent opposite, before a blow could be struck on their own behalf, although they themselves would be exposed to that bitter scourge from which Scotland suffered so much-the English bow and arrow. In a few hours, the time stipulated for the capitulation of the town would have expired. At that crucial moment the battle must be lost or won.

The Scots had advanced sufficiently near to enable them to scan the great southern host on the heights above, and yet leaving sufficient

space on the plain below to accommodate the English army should they be disposed to descend and decide the contest in open field, under conditions allowing favour to neither party. Edward, however, elected to remain. No one knew better how much the issues of that day depended on the advantageous position he then occupied. The besiegers had already become weary of their task. Mutiny and desertion had begun, slightly as yet, to tell upon the army of Edward. Even a slight reverse would have sufficed, it is thought, to dishearten the men and drive them from Scottish soil. Repeated efforts were made on the part of the Scots to draw Edward from the high ground, but to no purpose.

As the two armies stood thus facing each other, marshalled, eager and ready for the fray, an incident occurred, similar in some respects to the affair of Bruce and De Bohun at Bannockburn. One Turnbull, a Scottish knight of great strength and courage (the same, it is said, who, some years before, saved Bruce from the savage attack of a wild bull), stepped forth from the Scottish ranks, and by a herald, challenged any Englishman to fight a mortal duel. At once a young Norfolk knight, Sir Robert Benhale, asked leave of the English king to accept the challenge. This being granted, the two knights met on the open plain in full view of, and midway between, the two armies. A terrible struggle ensued. It is said that, about the commencement of the fight, a huge black mastiff, belonging to Turnbull, rushed upon the English knight, who, with one blow, "cut him asunder at the loins." Turnbull, though very powerful, was much older than Benhale, and lacked the dexterity and nimble adroitness of the latter. To the surprise of the onlookers and the dismay of his own friends, Turnbull fell beneath the sword of his opponent. It is only fair to state that the truth of this story is open to grave doubt. While it is given by several of the old chroniclers in graphic detail, most of our historians (and those the most reliable), in their account of the battle, make no mention whatever of such an incident.

The trumpets sounded and the word of command was now given. The Scots advanced on foot leaving their horses to the care of servants and valets. The uneven nature of the ground, and the steep and rocky ascent, rendered it unsuitable for the use of cavalry. With characteristic impetuosity the Scots eagerly advanced through the marsh, which, on account of the soft and sinky nature of the surface, greatly impeded their movements. This at the very outset threw them somewhat into confusion,

and tended to retard their progress, without, however, lessening their ardour or damping their enthusiasm. Taking advantage of this, the English archers, with sure and deadly aim, sent a shower of arrows amongst the struggling columns of Scottish infantry. Still with ranks thinned they pressed forward. Their only hope of success lay in as speedily as possible reaching the enemy and engaging in a hand to hand combat. The Scottish army advanced in close battalions, forming a compact mass, so that almost every English shaft took effect. (To be continued)

The Scene of "Lucy's Flittin'."

BY TWEEDside Laddie."

'Twas when the wan leaf frae the birk tree was fa’in', And Martimas dowie had wound up the year, That Lucy row'd up her wee kist wi' her a' in',

J

And left her auld maister and neebours sae dear, For Lucy had served in the Glen a' the simmer,She cam' there afore the flower bloomed on the pea : An orphan was she, and they had been gude till her,— Sure that was the thing brocht the tear to her e'e. F there is a Borderer who is unfamiliar with William Laidlaw's beautiful song, of which we have quoted the first eight lines, let him at once commit the whole song to memory by way of penance. Having done so, his penetential mood will soon disappear, for he will discover that he has made a heart-companion of one of our most beautiful Scottish lyrics.

Believing that the Border Magazine is the proper medium for the discussion, and, if possible, final settlement of any disputed points connected with our beloved Borderland and its wealth of lore and literature, I have introduced the above subject in the hope that some new light may be thrown upon what has long been doubtful.

A great number of readers will at once say "Why everyone knows that the scene of the song is The Glen, the beautiful home of Sir Charles Tennant, Bart.," but it is just as well to know that this opinion has long been questioned and probably will be until some definite information is forthcoming which will sweep away the numerous hearsays and conflicting statements.

As far as we can gather, Lockhart and Hogg are silent on the subject, for though the latter first published the song, he made no attempt to localise it. It is to be regretted that Dr. Russell in his now classical "Reminicences of Yarrow," though mentioning William Laidlaw and his song makes no reference to the scene of the touching story so sweetly told in the smooth flowing lines. Not so, however, the Rev. Mr. Borland, of Yarrow, for in his "Poets and Poetry of Yarrow" he thus refers to the song :—

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