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stirred the heart of the nation, since the struggle at its birth. It is no minor question of dollars and cents, no dispute between sections of the country, no dreaming discussion of abstractions or political theories, no question whether this, or that, or the other political measure will benefit the State; but a question that underlies all these, the decision of which might possibly obviate any necessity of examining them—it is, Are we to have a policy at all? Shall our American Empire, as established with its broad and deep foundations and its noble superstructure, cemented with the blood and the prayers of so many great and good men, yet exist? Or shall it be mangled and corrupted, perverted and defiled, to suit the diabolic ends of lay and priestly plotters, either native or foreign born?

Here is a duty sublime enough to gratify the desires of the noblest. The appeal is made to the true sons of America. Shall our native land become a sink for the pollution of the civilized world? Shall our government, organized with a most complex and delicate machinery, expressly to be directed by the highest grade of intelligence, be controlled by the bungling hands of the foreign boor, or the meddlesome cunning of the foreign priest? Shall its wheels be clogged and embarrassed by shipments of men, sent hither, apparently, for no other reason than the deliberate intention of at once relieving Europe, and embarrassing us?

Let our freemen reflect. The pure stream of our nationality may perhaps endure the infusion of a little foreign matter without perceptible injury. Yet there is some injury; and a continuance of this may corrupt the whole. Our power of resisting such influences is doubtless great, but that is no reason for the wanton abuse of it.

What then does the Republic now demand of Americans? The answer is easy. It is not any new or strange doctrine; it is only to restore the principles of action which heretofore have guided our best and greatest men. It is to rule our own country as Washington and the Revolutionary Fathers would have it ruled; to cultivate and develop that strong and good nationality which has already carried us so nobly onward as a nation—to Americanize America.

What were the opinions of the Father of his Country as to the character of foreigners, and the probable consequences of employing them here?

He speaks as follows: "These men have no attachment nor ties to the country, further than interest binds them." "I do most devoutly wish that we had not a single foreigner among us, except the Marquis de La Fayette." "My opinion with respect to immigration is, that except useful mechanics and some particular descriptions of men or professions, there is no need of encouragement."

"It is not the policy of this country to employ aliens where it can be well avoided, either in civil or military walks of life." "It does not accord with the policy of this government to bestow offices, civil or military, upon foreigners, to the exclusion of our own citizens."

Even for outpost service, among the rank and file of the army, Washington could trust none but Americans. "He therefore orders," reads a general order dated Cambridge, Headquarters, July 17, 1775, "that, for the future, none but natives of this country be placed on guard as sentinels on the outposts."

Can any one doubt what Washington would now say, were he alive, as to the demands of an enlightened and nationalized patriotism in the present juncture? And it is well known that his sentiments and apprehensions were shared by his venerable coadjutors in founding this Republic. The profound and wise intellect of Daniel Webster perceived the same dangers, when he said, ten years since, "There is an imperative necessity for reforming the Naturalization Laws of the United States."

There is, then, urgent occasion for the re-assertion of a strong and distinctive nationality by all true citizens of our Republic. In despite of the certain and venomous opposition of the demagogues, who will struggle violently, when "their craft is in danger;" in despite of the anger and bull-headed resistance of the ignorant foreigners who have been trained by demagogues to imagine that the cherished franchises of American freemen are equally theirs; in spite of obloquy and invective, the time has come for the sons of America to stand

shoulder to shoulder in the defence of her free and enlightened Constitution, in opposition alike to the open and to the concealed attacks of ruthless foes.

First, and chiefest of all, we must keep the privilege of citizenship as a precious and honorable gift only for those approved worthy of it. Let us not confer it upon the ignorant or the vile. Let us not cast pearls before swine. Why should we lavish upon the rude and vicious stranger the birthright of our free citizens? In so doing, we nourish in our bosoms the viper that prepares to give the fatal sting. When the immigrants are fit for citizenship, then let them have it. Up to that time, let them rest secure in the refuge which we will give them, and be satisfied with their safety. We must educate them first, nationalize them next, but naturalize them only, last of all.

We are also called upon to select and to elect as our rulers, not the men who bluster and prate of their principles and their devotion to the country, or the professional politicians who want office, but the purest and best men, without regard to their situation or business. They cannot, without dishonor, refuse the voice of their country. We can have them if we will. In the exercise of the powers of government by such men, we should soon see the safety of our institutions replaced upon its accustomed basis. Americans would again rule America, as in days gone by; and while our great distinctive political beliefs would mark the character and conduct of our empire, we should continue to offer protection and freedom to all, and citizenship to the best.

civil life.

We must

We must maintain the peculiarities of our social and We must maintain our Christian character as a nation. still enforce the observation of the Christian Sabbath. We must continue scrupulously to preserve the Church and the State separate from each other. We must again avow and maintain the Christianity of our public education. Shall children be taught here in heathen schools? Shame on the defenders of such a measure!

NECESSITY OF AMERICAN HABITS AND PRINCIPLES.

"This lovely land, this glorious liberty, these benign institutions, the dear purchase of our fathers, are ours; ours to enjoy, ours to preserve, ours to transmit. Generations past and generations to come, hold us responsible for the sacred trust. Our fathers from behind admonish us with their anxious paternal voices, posterity calls out to us from the bosom of the future, the world turns hither its solicitous eye,-all, all conjure us to act wisely and faithfully in the relation which we sustain." WEBSTER.

AMERICANS are frequently reminded that national sympathies are not to be eradicated; that the Scot cannot be expected to bury those recollections which the songs of Burns so sadly recall; nor can the exiled German shut out from his heart the feelings that will rise and swell at the mention of Fatherland, or the Swiss forget his wild mountain-home. These appeals come with irresistible power to every mind, and with none do they plead more loudly than with an American.

We freely concede the force of these appeals; for our heart would be false to its own instincts if it did not acknowledge their power. We would never ask our foreign friends, who seek amongst us an asylum from tyranny, or a home in which they may better their condition, to forego and keep out of sight any of those endeared associations which give life its chief sweetness, and throw around it the highest charm. These recollections are sacred. They can never be torn from the human heart; and that would be but a wretched profession of liberty which allowed itself to interfere with their existence. Rather would a true liberty feed and foster these deep emotions, underlying, as they do, natures of the finest quality and the noblest capacity.

But is it conceded, as yet, that such sentiments as these ought to supplant principles that embrace the happiness of a world in their comprehensiveness? Do those who plead so touchingly for the exile,

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