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tifies his soul with their virtues, and leaves their memory a rich legacy unto his children." Most especially should he apply himself to the study of the resources of the Republic; acquiring every detail relative to her agriculture, manufacture, and commerce-the capabilities and deficiencies of the State-her relations with foreign powers, the numbers of the people, and the popular feeling on public subjects.

These acquirements the citizen will find indispensable, since otherwise he cannot legislate in the general good: he must reflect that when the Senate assembles, he is responsible for their decrees. Armed with these acquirements, he will be enabled to select those who are most capable of legislating beneficially, and will be prepared at all times to meet and controvert the designs and sophistries of traitors and agitators. There is no higher glory on earth than in a citizen faithfully serving his country: in the eloquent language of Cicero, "Of all things human, there is nothing more glorious or more excellent than to deserve well of the Republic."

"The acquisition of honors is to be esteemed praiseworthy," yet should offices not be sought for, nor refused, unless they exceed the citizen's merit. He must not disdain companionship and counsel in them, nor fall into the mistake that his duty to the country is discharged when his term of office expires. Aristides and the Roman Cato were seldom in office, yet their republican virtues ceaselessly influenced the citizens.

Self-denial is the highest effort of moral courage. The citizen is as likely to err in false modesty, as in following the dictates of ambition. He should, therefore, accurately weigh the advantages which may accrue to the State by his accepting office, and no consideration of self-interest should induce him to refuse that which his countrymen require him to assume. In this respect, he will model himself upon the examples of Cincinnatus, Brutus, and Washington-heroes, who lived but for their country-in whose breasts ambition found no place-men who on their brows bore the proud boast of the Roman orator-" Mens conscia recti."

How shall we sufficiently reprehend the conduct of those of our countrymen who forget the glorious traditions of their native land, and become courtiers in foreign climes? Ansaldo Ceba, the illustrious citizen of the Genoese republic, observes: "With foreign princes we think the citizen will be wise not to cultivate much intimacy. When he happens to meet them, he should certainly show them all honor, by signs of respect and reverence; but this should suffice. Nor should he hold any other language with them, than courtesy or necessity may require. But, at the same time, if accident bring them together, or he be in any manner provoked by them, let him with noble resentment give such gentlemen to understand, that his republic loves liberty, and that he is ready to offer his property and his life to preserve it.”

Far different is the conduct of many of our countrymen, when surrounded by all the pomp and circumstance of kings and aristocrats. Unmindful of their antecedents and the precious reminiscences of their distant land; ignoring the slight which they are thus casting on the republic; unobservant of the obloquy which the titled valets of Europe rejoice to cast on democracy, when Americans are thus seen worshipping that system which their ancestors fought and bled to throw off, these republican-trained courtiers, these bourgeoisgentilshommes and Potiphars, bedeck themselves in the livery of monarchical servitude, and, like Themistocles at Persia, almost turn traitors to their country, quickly losing even the appearance of republican virtue. Returning to their native land, they retain and move in a European atmosphere. Claiming the friendship or acquaintance of this or that noble lackey of aristocratic debauchee, they affect an air of superiority, establish in their salons the etiquette of courts, and smile with ineffable contempt on democratic institutions. Our paintings and sculptures are false to art, because, forsooth, these travelled coxcombs have lounged in the shadow of the Louvre, or played the minion at Florence. Music has lost its charms, since here it is obtainable by all. Our literature may possibly be tolerated, but it becomes secondary to the productions of other people. America is voted vul

gar by her own children, and the horrible putrescence of European decay is inoculated into our democratic system.

Not so acted the first envoys of this Republic. In refusing court to monarchs, they gained respect for themselves and alliance for their country. In the utmost simplicity of dress and manner, they demanded and obtained more true esteem than the proudest nobles of Europe-and left behind them the memory of their simple virtues, which our modern diplomats seem careful not to copy..

Americans! will you thus deny your birthright, defame the memory of your fathers, and inspire contempt for their country in the hearts of your children? Oh, distant, immeasurably distant, be the day when such principles shall become general! Where is the divine afflatus of those heroes, who, inspired by universal democracy, rose majestically with the people, and towered, giant like, amidst their aristocratic foes? Where are Franklin and Adams-meteors, flashing across the blackness of European diplomacy? Where those ancient senators, whose eloquence, echoing through the forum, found emphasis in the hearts of the people? Where those citizens, who loved the Republic above property, family, yea, life itself; whom agitators dared not use-before whose inflexible honesty, demagogues feared and trembled ?

We must recall the ancient days. We must return to first principles, and study models of former years. Our children must be prepared with more than Spartan care, and taught how bright and glorious is their inheritance,-how hollow the joys which are but the gratification of the senses. The standard of republican virtue must everywhere be raised-selfishness be uprooted from every spirit—patriotism no longer remain a high-sounding name; but the maxim be written in every breast-My country, everywhere and at all times,— the Republic, one and indivisible,—America, above all things.

AMERICAN NATIONALITY.

"It is true we should become a little more Americanized."-GENERAL JACKSON.

THE national characters of the leading nations of the world are clearly defined and understood. The sturdy, thoughtful, grumbling Englishman-the lively, fickle Frenchman-the proud and grave Spaniard the reflective and metaphysical German, are as well distinguished by these titles, as the Indian, the Arab, and the European by their complexions.

This nationality is stamped on the individuals of the nation and on its policy. As are the inhabitants, so are their rulers and their measures; and the home and foreign operations of the government usually take more or less shape from the character of the people who support them.

In the United States there is a distinct individual nationality. The leading characteristic of the Anglo-American is energy: he is the energetic American. His energy is not only continuous in operation, but wise in its aim; his enterprises, whatever they be, are admirably contrived, energetically commenced, obstinately adhered to, and perseveringly supported.

There are other qualities which assist in forming our national character. Of these we need only enumerate,-first, shrewdness in business, enterprise, and skill; the results of which, surpassing the slow business methods of the Old World, lead strangers to stigmatize us as mere money-getters and speculators. Secondly, romance and

ideality, which are not merely evinced in our literary pursuits, but have given impetus to the actions of our citizens to no inconsiderable extent. A sentiment of romantic enterprise has, from the first, deeply

imbued the minds of our people, especially those pioneers of civilization-the hunter and backwoodsman of the West. Thirdly, hope. Other nations may glory in the Past, but we are the people of the Future. To futurity we look, and as time unfolds the mysteries of promise, surrounding countries behold with astonishment our progress, and even we ourselves are compelled to wonder.

Such are a few of the principal characteristics of Americans. Our nationality is distinct and strong, but, hitherto, it has impressed but little of itself upon the policy of our government.

There is no nation of any considerable importance on the face of the earth, that has not its own distinctive policy. Circumstances may give that policy a shape, but it is the native energy of the nation which gives it emphasis before the world. Great Britain has her policy, which is called British, and France has long entertained her own. The policy of Russia has been traditionary from generation to generation. Even Austria understands the significancy of the term, and puts forth her policy in a shape which puzzles all Europe's diplomacy. The policy of Germany is to keep aloof from a war which threatens to become general. Spain is sullenly determined not to loose her hold on Cuba, and thus her policy is known.

All announce their public purpose but America. With her, the national opinion does not yet seem to have become sufficiently defined to take expression. It has not yet so strongly centralized its many elements, as to assume a name. We are drifting about on an open sea, without national compass or rudder. Circumstances alone define the national character; a predetermined sentiment neither governs it, nor gives it shape. We exist but to study the purposes of other nations, having none to contemplate of our own. A great people, we are unwilling to announce ourselves a peculiar nation. In the front of the world in power, we are yet behind all others in a published policy. Fortune seems to guide us unresistingly on her own course, while we merely profit by the temporary and irregular favors she sees fit to throw in our way. We rather thrive by the mistakes of others, than by any fixed resolutions of our own.

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