gree more bountiful than to ourselves. We must always recollect that, however perfect we may think our own Eastern administration, we ought to ask whether it is acceptable to those upon whom we would impose it. That, with its long train of formalities, innovations, blunders, and corrections worse than blunders, it must be infinitely distasteful to a rude Mahomedan people like the Scindians, no man who knows any thing of Oriental manners, and of the Company's system of government, can for a moment doubt. The government of the Ameers was in reality, as we learn from Captain Postans's recent work, on the whole a mild one; in preserving general tranquillity a very successful one; most decidedly a national one; and to cure the errors of it by a foreign yoke, and by the introduction of a form of government not necessarily less oppressive than a native one, was to inflict a remedy worse than the disease. Lord Ellenborough should have been the last to boast of his attention to means of prosperity. When he spends a little less money on military shows, and a little more on works of utility -when he has ceased to lavish thousands on armies of parade, and to grudge hundreds to great works like the Ganges canalhe will have a right to talk about his projects for the development of the capabilities of Scinde. It is not likely that he can deceive any one but himself-least of all can he deceive the Scindians, when he proclaims his attachment to the cause of good government, and his resolution to ameliorate the condition of the people, 'so long misgoverned.' 'Imperium flagitio acquisitum nemo unquam bonis artibus exercuit.' A glance at Captain Postans's book (p. 73) will show how equally uncalled-for was the Governor-General's ostentatious proclamation regarding the extension of all acts of Parliament relating to slavery,' to Scinde. The domestic slavery found in Scinde is quite as mild in its form as that which exists, and cannot be extinguished by legislative enactments, in the best organized Indian territories. His knowledge is not of much compass; but he cannot believe that Scinde slavery has any thing in common with Negro slavery in the West Indies. We need not examine the question, whether the possession of Scinde may not be conducive to the compact consolidation of our Eastern Empire; as a glance at the map shows that it lies many hundred miles apart from the rest of our territories. Nor will we stop to enquire, whether Scinde may not be useful as a steppingstone to the acquisition of something else; as we trust the moral feelings of the public are not so completely vitiated as to endure such a discussion. We believe we have now said enough to show both the real character, and the value of this vaunted conquest. If we do not, further, come forward with the recommendation of measures calculated to remove the embarrassments in which British interests are still involved, and to effect restitution to the captive chiefs for the rights of which they still endure the loss in prison and in exile -it is not because of any want of appreciation of the importance of the former object, or because of any notion of the impolicy, or the impracticability, or the non-incumbency upon us-as a point of national honour and justice-of speedily providing for the latter; -it is solely because we consider it idle to speculate on the nature of the antidote, as long as the choice of administering it rests with the man who gave the poison. For true it is, that just as the Scinde proceedings were not the first, so have they been permitted to be not the last, acts of a most unwise and unprincipled administration. A series of Public acts and proceedings, almost without parallel, appeared to have received the last addition which the national forbearance could allow, in the conquest of Scinde. Yet the intelligence from Gwalior, just received, informs us that the Governor-General is already embarked in new schemes, and directing the vast forces at his command to further purposes of aggression; on the strength of the assumed assent of an infant sovereign, to a forced interpretation of an annulled treaty. As the Court of Directors seem to look on, unmindful of the powers reposed in them by the Charter Act, we trust that something will be done in Parliament to mark the sense of the country regarding such abuses of the country's name, and to arrest a career of aggression so discreditable to its character; and, meanwhile, we hope that the sample of it which we have, in this article, exhibited in its true colours, will not be considered inopportune. No. CL XI. will be published in July. ERRATA. Page 215, line 23 from top, delete “ 222, 224, "insert"and." 13 from top, after the word "any" insert" such." 13 from bottom, for "sites" read "tithes." - 228,8 from top, before " Egerton" read " Francis." 14 from bottom, for "rests " read "rest." "read" some." 14 from top, delete "who." Ibid. next line, for "have" read "has." 241, line 10 from top, before" proprietors" insert "great." 252, 18 from top, for "that" read "the." 257, - 15 from bottom, for "discussion " read " disunion." - 260, lines 11 and 12 from top, for before "scenery" insert " inland.” "inland" read "bad". INDEX. A Addington, Mr, the inefficiency of himself and his colleagues, with the Alfieri studied the oral language of Tuscany that he might write pure Alphonso, of Aragon, established the Pugliese dialect in the states of Ameers of Hyderabad, terms imposed on, by the Revised Treaty' of Antoinette, Marie, sent before the Revolutionary Tribunal in direct op- Arnold, Dr, character of his historical enquiries, 8. Assiento Contract, for the traffic in slaves, 400. B Bandinel, James, Esq., History of the slave trade, 396-406.-See Slave Barère, Bertrand, Memoirs of-when compared with "his own col- VOL. LXXIX. NO. CLX. 2 N |