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his own benevolent mind, had already been blotted out for eyer. Let it also be récollected, that Mr. Pitt was the son of the great Earl of Chatham, who had a right to expect to be still living in the feelings of this country. % !

When the amount of this pote is at the same time taken into consideration, and that it was the unanimous note of Pasliament, let it be decided by the public, whether it was spleen, or public, spirit, which dictated the expression, when you charged Mr Fox and the Opposition with treacherously und basely belying their own assertions, and with an inhuman extor. tion of the substance of the people. but opit urodb

You charge usq' with having made Lord Grenville the auditor of his own accounts l" as if it had been a cortupt,contrivance to enable him to defraud the revenue towhich you knowe to be totally unfounded. to Lord Grenville had been the Anditor of the Exchequer, as the reward of public service, very long before, the period of the Administration in question.

When it was thought advantageous to the government of the country, that he should be placed at the head of the Treasury, was it either fair or reasonable, that he should be deprived of an office held for life, when bis emolaments, taken together, after his appointment to the Treasury, were not greater than opght to belongi to the Prime Minister of the British Empire: An arrangement was therefore made for the substitution of an equally, secure and responsible audit for the public accounts, subject in no munner to his control.

}:00) 1 Clamors of such descriptions, may pass at the moment, and perhaps, have their uses in a free country, though set on foot, without due knowledge or consideration, by awakening public attention to government, and reminding those who govern, that it is a trust. But to keep up, and much more to renew such a prejudice, when all the facts are known, and the false reports, extinguished, is what I would rather have to impute to you, than to answer for myself. -The admission of Lord Ellenborough into the Cabinet (if blame can be attached to it), applies so much more to myself than to any member of the Administration, that I ought pot to pass it over in silence; as, of all others, I ought certainly to Ibave been the most jealous of any departure from that sacred

principle of judicial independence, which is the greatest secusity to the publie freedom. Such an appointment, therefore, it was your privilege to question; but your objection would have come with more force, if you had discussed it with deeency and temper; because, however I may be considered responsible in my character for my share in this transaction, you could not surely expect, after my past life, to convict me



by a dash of your pen, in the judgment of my country, 1 of asy manifest hatred of liberty - the hatred of a free press sathed endeavour

to destroy both; thej taking strides towards arbit trary power," &c. &c. I have only turned your own worden into the singular number, that I might take the whole offences upon myself.

e 991ari, to ITTOO TO badagoniaib orrof syd I am not aware that there is any legal distinction between the general Privy Council, and the select Cabinet Council of the King. When the matter was debated in the House of Lords, it could not be shown that there was any to be founde'T and Lord Ellenborough was already a Privy Counsellor, sumed moned and consulted, as all Chief Justices of the King'sib Bench, and sometimes of the Common Pleas also, had beenia for many years past, regarding prosecutions for treason, and other offences against the safety of the State.d. His introduced

erefore, into the Cabinet, could not place him, in the lo respect, you complain of, in any new situation, singe State prosecutions, as I have just observed, are often considered in a the Privy Council, but not in the Cabinet, which, as a matteria of course, would refer such questions to that tribunal where the law officers of the Crown are in attendance, and in whichas Chief Justices, as members of it, have, for more than a gen-bs tury, on many such occasions, been consulted. Had this

notun been established by such a long and uninterrupted usage,

withds the full knowledge of, and, in some cases, with the partici-o pation of Parliament, Lord Ellenborough could never hayev been proposed as a member of the Cabinetz and if he had, itsa would have been most especially for myself, above all otherszoi to have objected to it, and rather to have resigned my officejed than have submitted to his introduction.

But a distinctiond between the Privy Conncil and the Cabinet, in any thing con lw nected with the independence of the judicial functions, nevers even occurred to me, nor to Lord Ellenborough himselfed though a very able and learned man, yet whose charactèrgs would have been still more involved in the acceptance of any inconsistent situation, conferring besides peither emolumenfoq nor digpity,

beyond those of his already exalted station, butob only adding to its almost, intolerable burthens, which have gb lately carried him to the grave stor 69206090 botela SAS

But however the appointment may be completely justified dur I wish, for my own part, that Judges could have been always

a distance from every thing connected with the Court is or with any council of the King an exclusion, howeverulli which conld not well have been adopted, since eminent Judgeset had been often raised to the peerage in the best times of the sq Constitution; and although objections might, perhaps, be do

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raised to that practice also, yet it ought, at the same time, to be remembered, that the dignity of the law is a great security to the subject, and that, if the road were not open for its professors, to the highest honors of the State, it might not be easy to secure'a suecession of talents and learning, such as have long distinguished our courts of justice, exalting the character of our counéry, and its jurisprudence, throughout the whole civilized word. 338198 adi osis Libano'XVI 1901 ng sd.

It is true that 'webapposed the Income Tax, even as a Ward. Tabs whendit

wass first proposed in Parliament, because we thought its principle oppressive and dangerous exposing, as it did, the private concerns of individuals, in a manner

not con sistent with the fred spirit of our Government. We always thought so, and we think so still, but Parliament nevertheles go: thoughe fit to establish it, and when we came into office clostires had been made, and all the numerous, extensive, ant! complicatede détails connected with that new system of a4291 ation) had been carried into active effect; supplying, 10 CP-19 siderable extent,ther sources of revenue, which otherwise must have been immediately looked to.TəlEvery considerate and dispassionate person must,

"I apprehend, bé disposed 18:13 admit, that it was not easy at onee, cor during our short contido nuance in office, to quit that great revente, however objection ablo, vin the outset, on for long eoplinuante, tevhen the resorpce3ed of-thë iconntry were almost giving way under the pressure of way to which, at that period, it was difficult to foresee anyse safe de probable termination. --So circumstanced, it was thoughtd justifiable to continue for a season that unpopulat tak, and being continued, at became necessary, either to square it with ther exigencies of the State, or instantly to impose other taxesed: which it required the utmost consideration to mature. This was out situation, and we expect credit from our characters, 9 that we should not have continued it in peace, or even in war, against 16Djections so justly raised up against it. There is a great and striking difference between the resistance to a pro-w posed measure of that complex description, and its aban donment when adopted; and this ought to be seriously consimon dereddyluli governments, when great changes of any kind o are contemplated ; because a return to the originap position,

is! 'when they prove unsuceessful, is sometimes difficult, seldom sudutenty practicable ; and in notling less" suddenly, that when alterations are made in 'systems of finance a truth, which iga illustrated at this very moment by the delay on the subject of 10 the Bank, though the Bank itself is not adverse, and though ali dw parties seem desirous to return to the precious metals, so long abandoned for a paper circulation aguottle bits CODBIJENO

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This observation applies so obviously to the continuance of the Bank Restriction, which you also complain of, that it would be a tiresome repetition to notice it. We opposed the original measure, as a dangerous departure from the principles of public credit; but after its adoption by Parliament for só long a period, it could not, for the reason I have just given you, and which is now universally acknowledged, be put an end tor at once by an immediateu repeat of the act ; and you seems constantly to forget the short continuance of oitr power, and how it was almost reduced to nothing, by the fatal illness of Mr. Fox.It could not have been fit, during tbat-unbappy periodiy unless i undernthe most pressing necessities, to alter what we found established, and have resorted to immediate untried substitutions, merely for the support of our original/objections whilst we were deprived of the assistance of that able states man, who we were in anxious hope would be restored to us but which it pleased the Divine Providence to disappoint, I EdThe same anster soli manifestly applies to several of your other charges, that I shall take them out of their order on that accounts How,

for instance, when foreign troops had been introm duced by our predecessors for the defence of the country, thouglas against our opinions, could we forbear to legalize them andets apportion their numbers to the exigencies of oun defence at so editicala period of the war? Could we have suddenly disbanded them, without the time necessary for a more constitutional sube stitution of force ? Common sense mustrevoltat sucban

acousal tion, and it is almost an useless repetition to give the same answer to your complaint against the Barrack System. to Wengbjected to it when first proposed in Parliament but thevmea. sitte ohaving been carried before we came into office, the barracks having been built or purchased, and the trboja throughout England stationed in them, could wey at the very time when the enemy might have invaded us, and during out short continuance in office, or with the interruptions just stated, have changed the whole system of military arrangement, how erdto we might originally disapprove it? Nor can I see hor our having been placed, for a seasonjo in the situation I have described, ought to have had the effect of saltering our otiginal opinions iwhen circumstances wese entirely alteredi vino 26 01 You assert, that " we commenced the Orders in Council,!! which so deeply affected our commerce and manufactures, and refer for proof to the Parliamentary Debates - refer to the same to disprove it. I speak with confidence, because I myself brought the whole subject before the House of Lords, after the administration was dissolved-I might be mistaken in my reasons for condemning them; and the Minister, who made them might be in the rights but I am not afraid of being sucdéssfully stultified as having been one of the authors of a measure quite notorious, and, in only a few months afterwards, af having spoken publicly, for two hours and upwards, in its distinct and unqualified reprobation. 1. trinnly to asWith regard to thord Wellesley's administration in India from the very nature of so distant and extensive a governmenty atrall times a complicated question, it might have been most conscientiously considered by Mr. Fox, and some who acted with him, as a proper subject of inquiry ; but when the cons seqpences

of his system were afterwards developed and under stood, I feel no difficulty in declaring my opinion, that he doserved the warmest thanks of his country t-and even at tho tjaneithen we were in office, had there been any proposition forant inquiryy I should have firmly and strenuously opposed itzu ot b9101231 ou hiyo ni dwrot16 OJ! 9119 W un nom

Your complaint agaiøst Sinecures is made in such indecent language, that I decline to reply torit otherwise than by telling tod, that I myselfitat one of those who thinks or rather who kootos that a sinecore office, until abolished by Parliament, is at muchvatman's property as his freehold; and I farther think, that his Majesty's present Ministers mistook a little the chas actor of courb monarchy, when they lately gave way on that Subject, and consorted that several of them, and of very iold standing, should be abolished. I said so, and voted against the measure in the House of Lords. As part of a system of coonomythe abolition was jast nothing; and an ancient pret rogative of the terówn, for the occasional sopport of rank, and te reward public service,'ought not, in my opinion, to have been douched!oi You do not say that these offices were multia plied in our time; land if they were not multiplied, they must, of scoutse, whilst they existed, have been filled up. Is it not, then, most contemptible to apply the odious terms of "rave. vousness and bloodsucking," to the mere preference given, from immemorial time, by all Ministers, to those by whom the Government is supported. You extend this charge to other offices, and refer to your Appendix to prove, that. hungry bycophants were crammed with the public money," although it was only the addition to an office, which from its duties required enlargement; and the principal persons, who are to be found in your own printed copy of the members, are amongst the most respectable men that, in my large acquain. taneey I ever knew.. 91 Tote

All the Opposition, except Lord Lauderdale and myself, were of a diffehappropinion, 1912.17 bus ; 1969

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