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stations in the natural world.oit After his death he was at once, and without any formal choice, succeeded mostaablyi by Mr. Grey, till called up to the House of Lords by his father's death, when it was agreed that it should be filled by my late lamented friend Mr. Ponsonby, whom I knew and regarded, before the beginning of my public life.'16 During all this period did any of your party dever complain of this course of proceeding as mischievous or useless to the public ? - Your objection, therefore, and bitterness of remark, can be personal only as it regards the succession of Mr. Tjerney, of whom you must be taken to know nothing, if, meaning fairlys you speak of him as you doo but it is your system throughout to confer principles and faculties to be despised upon those whom it is your purpose to defame. If the members of the Qpposition had chosen any one of the men of high rank imbe acti with them in Parliament, you would then, no doubt.d have been open-mouthed against the aristocratical faction, and have represented him as a driveller,

even if, like the dapostles, she had possessed the gift of tongues; but when, by fixing upon a private gentlemani, not allied, that I know of, to any of the great families, that objection did not exist, the party is to be set down as degenerated and lost.sdi aslidg91 sdt to bysed avsd Mr. Tierney's capacity to fill the station which he was se generally ninvited to accept, must, I should thinks be much better known to those, who had long acted with him in Pars liament, than to the writer of any, anonymous pamphlet, taking all the chances of whoever he might be. I have very long known Mr. Tierney myself, and feel no difficulty in saying that I think the choice was most judicious; he is profoundly qualified to deal with all financial questions, the most difficult and momentous that can occur in Parliament. He is a man also of popular manners, of very general knowledge, of unwearied application, and an able and interesting speaker. The ille bred recourse to what this gentleman is supposed in the playfulness of his mind to have said, and in the circle, if it ever happened, of his intimate friends concerning his being toor poor to be out of place, is, for your ill-natured purpose, most unhappily introduced, since it gives me the opportunity of remarking, that he has been out of place nearly all hiso life and nobody can doubt, that he might have had public employa ments if he had been desirous to accept themadiwtou. Isto

Your remarks upon the formation of the last Administrations are obviously dictated by the same intemperate spirit ; they 2004 was at Trinity College, Cambridge, with Mt. Porisontjb TOST to foto 108 ERW 07 13:39 Dobremeb yongsaisaou to

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are not grave;d reasoned' objections to principlestof conduct, but an inflamed attack, more fit to be addressed tolta mob than ttò enlightened and dispassionate menq u Paking no notice of leven val word I had said in justification of that political únion, which, if vulnerable, you might in fait argament have replied to you at once most unjustifiably assert (knowing nothing at all of the matter),"

that we bowed down under the people's adversaries, and

submitted to be picked out i man by man by Lord Grenville," which is totally unfoundedita Bor myself, Sir, [1 answer, that I was not so picked out as you vulgarly term it, but was thought worthy, by Mr. Foxy to be placed at the head of my profession, accompanying him as I had done throughout his illustrious lifebuThis would be to me a sufficient justification through all ages, if my name coala continue as in the histories of this great statesman and honest man hereafter, what readers will ever take your pamphlet into the account is The oblivion, aindeed, that attends those who are not worthy to be remembered, is seldom sufficiently estra mated by those whom they defame: if Pope had not written his Dunčiad, he might already have passed for a poet above the last of criticism, since nobody, at this day, would ever have heard of the reptiles that stung him, if he had not pre served their mummies in the museum of his witti I think it right, however, to re-affirm, that the Administration in ques tion was formed in the manner I before stated, upon a principle of mutual trust and confidence, to pursue the best and safest course for the public security and prosperity at a very critical period. It was formed by men of honor, who had indeed materially differed, but upon subjects which had then passed away. The great national objects that had occasioned their differences were then completely terminated, by events on the continent, and which nothing but Bonaparte's return to France from the Isle of Elba could have revived a circumstance so unlooked for that when memory turns back to that period, it seems more like a dream than part of the history of the world, but when the revolution, which immediately followed it, The came again a subject of consideration for British statesmen, Lord Grey, whom you so unjustly attack for abandoning his opinions, immediately took the lead in direct opposition to Lord Grenvilles though we had been all acting together ththak moment, notwithstanding the Administration was dissolved our Lord Grey, indeed, following the dictates of his honest sentiments, when he objeeted to our renewed resistance to this extraordinary order of things, went even farther than firmness or consistency demanded, because there was a fair prospect of overpowering it, and a mighty interest depending upon our

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suecoss , he however Spersevered in his opposition, thougb he must náturally and anxiously have wished rothati but one opinion should prevail amongst those, who had so recently acted together as ministers; a sufficient proof (one would think) that no principles were compromised, when the Admifiistration was formed; since they were again avowed, and again acted upon, the instant that subjects arosel on which they could attach. So much so, that there can be no doubt,lif the ministry had still continued, it must, by the separation of its members upon a point so vital to the public intorests, have been very soon dissolved; since the matter was pushed by Lord Grey to a division of the House of Lords you '97 In that division I was myself counted against him, although nobody can imagine, if personal considerationis could have Weighed with me in Parliament, that should have divided With Lord Grenville, in lopposition to all my friendsli with whom I had uniformly acted. v« My reasons for that vote may be summed up in almost & word I thought, that after so long and proscriptive a resistance to Napoleon, his retam to power and dominion, levonat nrants very doors, was imminently periHous, and that the chances were in our favor for the termiInation of all hostilities in Europe, which, though unjustjand topolitic in the outset, had become in the end necessaryland therefore justifiable for the preservation of nations, fomenly, Mmy opinion, misgovemed; but whose misgovemment,/withdat our maintaining the original confederacy at soltoritical a period, might have deeply affected the prosperity of our country? This was not denied; the doubt being on theoprobability of success it and the worse consequences of a protracted war, with an eventual failure in the objeot for which it was Srettewed. This created the difference of opinion; anditd is

but fair to say, that the striumphl of Waterloo could not be w Confidently anticipated. 4-Had that immortal contest ni beten adversely decided, I might have been driven, perhaps, to wish that my vote had been different, and that the question had been otherwise decided".17 979011 JOV Only 9751 I 200-331: Jo make ne apology for this digression, which bocame necesbgary from your own injusticelu4You began by painting Lord Grenville in your own dark colors, falsely representing him as

person with whom no konest publio men, who had differed ..l from him, tionght to hold communion whereas we always

viewed him as a man of honor and talents, but whoji on several occasions, and more particularly throughout the unex» ampled conjunctures of the French revolution, had mistaken, ' in our opinions, the interests of his countryx Whilst sach différences therefore existed, we maintained nos political con

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wection, but uniformly opposed him, and all who acted with him ; but when the subjects in difference, appeared to all the world to be terminated, we then saw no objection to the forimation of that Administration which you unreasonably condemn : yetiwhen the same principles of division, by unforeseen berents, again came into action, they produced the same separa

tion, which continued during the proceedings in 1817, when we thought the liberties of the people were invaded... blvoo yod 10 h am not in the least afraid to trust this plain answer to your inflamed complaint to the good sense and candor of the public.14 ESW 7siis at 911 991 :buzib oz. 7191 1990

Nothing, indeed, can be imore unreasonable than today sit down as a general proposition, that those, who have differed

in Parliament, though for a long season, and on subjects of the bgreatest nationab importance, onght never afterwards to unite dfor the service of their country, although the subjects in diffevrence dave gone by.es I cannot figure to myself an objection y more repugnanbto the public interests, or to the characteristic of

# British Parliament dit is a most-fortunate circumstance, - ithật vour debates, however vehement, engender no i malignant

passionis : if the rules of deceney are grossly overstepped it is bsettled,ias between men of honor gr but even in these casaseit Dis the very genius of that high assembly to compose all personal quarrels and political hostilities, though connected svith the - exclusive enjoyment of emoluments and digpitiesvery fargly

disturb the intercourses, or even the kindnesses of private life. God forbid, that so beautiful a feature of our public compejls - oshould be distigured, by branding ireconciliation as priminal, bwhen nq principles are sacrificed, nors; the prosperity of the aspeople) overlooked. It was for you to have shown this sacrifice, ei by proof; opifairexpectation, that we could have carried ingaosures ofvour ownjby a sole administration, which were frusnatrated by the union you condemn! The expediency of a Reform feof Parliament was the only subjecta(as I formerly stated) 11 which was likely to have divided that Cabinets but whicla, for

the reasons I have given you, there was no chance whatguer, -agbat the House of Commonsi (would have yielded at present to brady Minister dhosrever popularion powerful rand adarganya3ajority againstigt, on se division when supported by all the biinfluence of the Crown, would only bave operated as an addiaytional and dangerousopledgeroof resistance to it, though, in notimes more favorable for its success. B 2. mid bowsi -xonThese, Sit, are my sentiments upon a subject which can no ndonger personally affect me. I am too near the end of my life to be lover again a candidate for office, under any administration; and I persuade myself, that you will not easily succeed in

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your attempt to represent melas lan apostatėjs forgetful of the triumph pou remind me of in these benedictions of the people ye without one possible

motive foro betraying them, or temptationis to dishonor myself. Vitavog aid to aguilost ødt mi gaivil flita

With regard to the measures which you attack so vehemently, I do not thinkait nécessary, nor would bit beo decent;nin ani answer to vaný rpamphlet, to enterdinto a detail of all thel different aets of an administration, in which I was a member of the Cabinet, as if we were impeached in Parliamente foto breaches of our duty. I know and feel, at the same time, what is due both to the public and to ourselves; and I shall, therest fore, shortly advert to your calumnious complaints,1sdo voY

f you had confined your observations to the measures jou condenandland had written them near the times then they were proposed or carried into effect, every man who values the freedom of the press and the constitution of the country, would have read them with attention and though you migho have been mistaken in your opiions, yet no censure ought to have followed, because the publie is interested in the most free and active serntinies into the exercise of national traststo but when your patriotism suddenly starts up, after a twelve years andējs thodgh the public can derive no benefit from your remarks, aná when you huddle together, without the detailed form of adeno sation, the measures

of two sessions, sanctioned so long ago by the authority of Parliament, and continued till now without your complaint, you ought rather to be considered as a libeller, than as an accuser to be answered by a defence to ton

With regard to Mr. Pitt, you deal with his memory as with the living character of Lord Grenville, only falsely employing orby peneil, instead of blackening it with your tiomni silwe thought the measures of that departed minister, fort arlong time, most dangerous, and uniformly maintained them to be so, particularly through all the periods of the French revea lution; but we never attempted to load him with personal ini famy or dishonor, and when, at his death, it manifestly appeared, that he had been an incorrupt, though, in our opinion, a mistaken servant of the public; and when, in that last res spect, we ourselves were outnumbered by an immense majo: tity in Parliament, who thought that his services had been most important to the public, and proposed the payment of his debts, Mr. Fox, whose bold and intrepid public spirit was tempered with the utmost gentleness, ingenuousness, and noble simplieity of character, concurred with the adversaries of his opinions, though it might appear to give a color against his We, rather than keep up, beyond the grave, political animosities and contentions, the very remembrance of which, in

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