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divided in opinion; and indeed the author himself most courteously reminds me, that Mr. Grattan (who, thank God, is still living) voted on the same side of that question with myself.Perhaps he also should have died.

The insinuation of my having changed my political opinions by the desertion of the Opposition is the more inconceivable, as the very gravamen of his work, in almost every page of it, is, that we had changed our opinions together, but which is just as notoriously unfounded as that I had changed them singly, "Before I leave the imputation of changeableness I cannot help remarking, that this author is surely a very inconsiderate and careless writer, since even in the heat of this accusation he goes quite out of his way to furnish the strongest evidence of a directly contrary disposition; as in speaking of Mr. Perry, vow and for so many years past the Editor of the Morning Chronicle, he several times describes that gentleman as my forty years' friend.-Now such a friendship was not very likely to have continued so long, if I had abandoned all those principries, to the support of which this traly honest and enlightened man has so faithfully devoted himself during all that time. I could not therefore have even guessed at the drift of putting this question to me but from a dull sentence, to be known only for a quotation, from the obscurity of its author, by inverted commas. - You might' as well say, if you laugh at Lord Erskine's green ribbon, you cannot have any respect for Mr. Erskine's defence of Hardy.'" "To this vulgar jest I reply, that if the author holds in republican contempt the most ancient distinctions of a monarchical state, he is undoubtedly well justified in considering the green ribbon as a laughable thing but he fails altogether when his wit is palpably not pointed at that knighthood, but personally against me. It is well known, that the Order of the Thistle is a distinction for the nobility of Scotland ; and that ever since the Union it has been the custom to invest with it two English peers. Now, as the author repeatedly taunts me with my Stuart ancestors, he perhaps has inadvertently let down the force of the sarcasm he aimed at; because, if I am of the family of the King who instituted the order, and had been for many years in the service of its present Sovereign, it seems difficult to find fault, either with the Prince Regent for bestowing it on me, or to make out my disqualification to receive it: but, if the insinuation was pointed to convey, that the aecepting it was a departure from my. principles or friendships, I

na T 210 no jasmijas hold the slander in the utmost contenipt, because my whole. life is its unanswerable refutation om wat eylemin

29 stood towards the Prince Regent in a relation quite different from that of my friends in Parliament, having been in his Royal Highness's service from the first formation of his establishment. The appointment of those ministers who still continue in office, might, for a season, produce la corresponde ing coolness amongst public men, but which could not with any propriety involvemedfrommy s particular situation, and from many personal obligations abwas bound to fulfill all my duties as remained, therefore, band still remain, faithful to the Prince of Wales, but faithfulalike to my principles and friends, defying any man, as I now do, to charge me with the slightest deviation from the most perfect integrity and consistency, as a Member of Parliament, for nearly forty years. It values the distinction alluded to, because it was a fit one for my rank and birth and plvalue it the more, because it was given to me by the Prince as a mark of his personal dregard and without any wish or expeetation that it could I at all affectemyapublic cons duet. 13 So much for the Green Ribbon, whichil have only at əll adverted to, because I will not suffer evenradsquibe to come across the unsullied path of my public life without publioly treading it outsoy bodsaitidevi ya aibsgildo mood svsd I

The assertion of my having given up the Reforms of Parliament, the great, or rather the only avowed object of bis consplaint, is equally unaccountable and surprising a bédanseyin the pages now before the reader I repeat, and strongly inculcate, the very same sentiments which he himself praises as honest, when expressed in the House of Commons in 1795. To avoid all, subterfuge, I shall refer to his very words, and the quotas tion, and then to my own, written lately, that they may stand in comparison together. In his 79th page, he expresses him, self thus:

egidor to 293991901 199wens. Sir What said the HONEST MAN, the popular Whig of ninetytwo ? Against the prevalence of both extremes (Republicanism and Toryism) there only exists, one remedy mit is to invigorate the Democratic parts of the Constitutiongrit is to render the House of Commons so honestly and substantially the representative of the People, that

Republicans may no longer have topics, of invective, nor Ministers the means of corruption Parliamentary Debate, December 3, 1795. W

I cannot sufficiently express my thanks to the author for having given to the public of this day, after a lapse of nearly twenty-bye years, that which he considers as an honest man's

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sentiment on this momentous subject, which might otherwise have been forgotten and now let us see what I myself have written only a few months ago. issa. -“ The prevailing sentiment amongst men whose influences are more likely than any thing I know to bring about some change in the o représentation, is this; That the alteration should not be such as to change the character of Parlament, but that such a extonsion should be enacted as would, create ATIFAIR, bus,AND CONSBAN FOXOPRRATIVE BALANCE against the increased influence of the Crowns As, the House of Commons is bem do constituted, the voice of the People has always prevailed in thehend TU NOT ONISU HELIANT TIME POIKAYÉ ANNETEDOMÁNYORKAT NATIONAL CALA: MEXTgsa tunsivisthey map), o substantial, sand, mauswerable arga uratsfoie reformation sincetof what use would be the most

powerlul and sertain regulator of at, time piece; if it could sotsisseasibly candicpat petually affectsitşomotions, but could only seothemi te srightszafter a great and palpable aberration; whilst in the meanitime the reckonings of seamen might be lost, and shipwrecks have toverwhelmed them in the deep?”. 10 min jo Torwbata pitoh thepimust misrepresentation or inadvertency have arisengwhengeinstead of only referring to the words of thie ihonest man of pinetytwo, and to my own lately published, I have been obliged, in my justification, even to reprint them toittas, that the reader might have before bim,

at ope and the samo moment, the speech in 1795, which is eulogised, and my writings atthis hour, which are condemned. is locupazi, hi Bolmoni vijaorle tris 3491 I 1956)! add 9701K won 19 talibavez in a very few words, corrected the terror in the Preface pointed qut by the Auflipr, cofi" GRISH NO IN18FAX&Y and should have bhagked every thing submitted to the Public

Should the most literal sense

be well founded. The etror arose Thom ne maumerlin which this writer Hradeex. pressed-himmer (aurrectio nagh. I adithi in his Defepod of the People, in answer to the Defences of the Whigs. After having wred a sheech of Mr. box op the principle of resistance,

Debate, Dec. 3, 1795-he then referriog w 192 193 Parliamenta suv9yq 3.1 Beto

w Oh, my Lora! we have bortselatintupio donsolation, as fars as it can be derived trot authority. We atenpt to befrigbtened with words that breakit na hönes-twe have no been called Resolutionists half so often as Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, MrGrey, Mr. Courtney, Mr. Laubton, Mr. Whic bread, Mr Francis, Mr. Taylor, and, though last, not least in the list of those who have despised the shume of caltonny, the Honorable Thomas Erskine. What said the HONEST MAN, the popular Whig of ninetytwo Agaimst the prevalence of bothe extremes: (Republicanism and Toryism) there only exists one remedy it is to invigorate ihe Democratic part of the Constituton; it is to render the llouse of Commons so honestly and substantially the representative of the people, tbat Republicans may no longer have topics of invective, nor ministers the means of corruption.'



My object, from the very beginning of my pablio life) bas never varied: it has been and always fmust bé, toelobtain such a House of Commons as I have uniformly described. i My change of opinion, repeatedly avowed,and, unfortunately, too strongly confirmed by every thing passing around us, was only as to the best and most probably successful means of effecting an unchangeable purpose under circumstances that have changed. Declaimers, who look only to the popularity of the hour, when the multitude are in a state of irritations have only to flatter and inflame them but they who honestly contemplate the prosperity and happiness of their country, must, though they contime stedfast in the pursuit of their original objedt, assimilate their exertions to the means that are safely in their hands. The scenes, indeed, which have soldately convulsed some of the most i populous and industrious parts of the king don (a repetition nearly of those which immediately followed and disappointed the original exertions of the Whigs, when the society of the Friends of the People was instituted), renderany, other answer to this author superfluous and useless.9 Those amongst the Whigs, who at any time supported a Reform in Parliarñent, have not, that I know of, departed from their de ::odt gogh Ji

997 to 1247 ni Vhost 2001? This quotation was referred, by the mark , to a Letter torMb Pitt, &cipio 38; and undoubtedly, if I had properly attended to the two distinct referencest I should dhave seen, Liat the words quoted regarding Reform were not from any

, as in his 57th page it had been stated, that such a letter had been

attributeif to Sir Janies Mackintosh) but inadvertently 'applying the reference to the Parliamentary Datates of ninety-five, and not turning to them, was they were in London, certainly did think, that the Honest Man of ninety-two: applied

to me as the last antecedent, and was intended to contrast invidiousa lymy present opinions with those at the period when he had held me up by his praise to uviversal approbation, tnore especiallyi as die object of his work, asifap as it related to me personally, was to represent me astronast" forinerly, but now, with the rest of the Whigs, an apostate from refurma but it must be quite obvious, that whether the words quoted had been spoken by. me, or written or spoken by any other person, only object was to show that ence in my argument or defende, because in my recent opinions, as published ip the Defence of the Whigs, and reprinteil in pages 15 and 16 of the Preface, sere of the same character with those which be bad, bimself considered as honest. This is the whole, and I think the mistake may fairly stand in public opinion as a trifling one, and without the imputations of vanity,

stapidity, ordainess, to which it has been aschbed; but even if it could not have been reconciled without the conviction of all of them, I should equally have stated the fact exactly and plainly as I have done.

Having declared, in the seventh page, that I would leave for ever what I had written regarding the Whigs to the public judgment, so shall I now.

etcept in the correction of the inistake, which it was incumbent ou me to set rights

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clared opinions, that an extension of the representation is most desirable, and is a just expectation on the part of the people ; but in my opinion, and speaking for myself, they never can rationally act with those who defame them. They ought for even to stand aloof from all such Reformers ; not from resentment, not even from a decent pride, however natural and justifiable, but because the defamation proves their views to be different, and that their defamers are seeking nothing like an iniprovement of the House of Commons, by a wisely adjusted balance of representation, but, on the contrary, counteracting every prospect of ritcby claiming rights in defiance of the established laws; and, instead of promoting Petitions, encouraging their followers to revile the degislature of their country. · b Nothing certainly could be more unfortunate, if this system were countenanced by numbers in general estimation, but happily there seems to be but one prevailing sentiment against it.

Nevertheless, if, in the repression of any meetings of the people for any object of Reform, wisé lor impracticable, their rights have been infringed, or any wrongs to individuals have been committed, I shall be amongst the first to vindicate every redress which the laws can sanction, and shall be found at all times ready to resist the slightest encroachment upon the national freedom. In such a case, mistaken opimions, or the grossest misconduct of individuals, ought to have no kind of effect to disappoint public justice, nor to prevent the union of

classes to uphold the vital security of our liberties. I am not at all acquainted with the details of this interesting and affecting subjeet, but in whatever shape I can be called upon to consider them, I shall be fully prepared to do my duty. But holding sacred, as I do, the never to be surrendered privilege of British subjects to assemble peaceably, to express to each other and to the government of the country their opinions and complaints, yet I feel no difficulty in saying, that nothing can be more obviously useless and mischeivous than the assembling of immense multitudes, not in their own communities or neighbourhoods, but moving upon other thronged and agitated districts. Such meetings, however'legal they may be, cannot but be dangerons to the industrious poor, collected at a distance from their own homes only to disturb the industry of others, aggravating the sufferings of poverty by the interruption of employment, by the hazard of fatal accidents, and the probable temptation to crimes.

Nothing but proceedings of this ill-advised description can bring the immemorial and invaluable rights of the people into question. They render the calm and dignified cause of Reform


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