The impoverished condition of Texas, her inability to raise and sustain troops to defend herself against invasion for any length of time, and her want of character and credit abroad, are urged as reasons for IMMEDIATE ANNEXATION, and the opinion has been frequently expressed, by those who feel a deep interest in this subject, that it would take place AT A VERY EARLY DAY IN THE NEXT SESSION OF CONGRESS! At the present session, the Resolutions of the State of Alabama, in favor of annexation, and sundry petitions and remonstrances against it, were referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. A majority of the Committee, consisting of members from the slaveholding States, refused to consider and report upon the subject, and directed Mr. Adams, their Chairman, to report a resolution, asking to be discharged from the further consideration of the subject, which he did on the 28th day of February. At the same time, Mr. Adams asked, as an individual member of the Committee, for leave to present the following resolutions: "Resolved, That by the Constitution of the United States, no power is delegated to their Congress, or to any department or departments of their Government, to affix to this Union any foreign State, or the people thereof. "Resolved, That any attempt of the Government of the United States, by an act of Congress, or by treaty, to annex to this Union the Republic of Texas, or the people thereof, would be a violation of the Constitution of the United States, null and void, and to which the Free States of this Union, and their people, ought not to submit." speech above referred to, in which he labored a long time to convince Northern philanthropists that they would best promote the objects they had in view, by favoring annexation, that they might have Slavery in Texas within the power and control of our own government, that they might abolish it or mitigate its evils, he himself being an advocate of perpetual Slavery, and among the very foremost to trample upon the right of petition itself!! None can be so blind now, as not to know that the real design and object of the South is, to "AD!! NEW WEIGHT TO HER END OF THE LEVER." I was upon that ground that Mr. Webster placed his opposition, in his speech on that subject in New-York, in March, 1837. In that speech, after stating that he saw insurmountable objections to the annexation of Texas, that the purchase of Louisiana and Florida furnished no precedent for it, that the cases were not parallel, and that no such policy or necessity as led to that, required the annexation of Texas, he said: "Gentlemen, we all see, that by whomsoever possessed, Texas is likely to be a slaveholding country; and I frankly avow my entire unwillingness to do anything which shall extend the Slavery of the African race on this continent, or add other slaveholding States to the Union. When I say that I regard Sla Iouly use language which has been adopted by disvery in itself a great moral, social, and political evil, tinguished men, themselves citizens of slaveholding States. I shall do nothing, therefore, to favor or encourage its further extension." And again, he said: "In my opinion, the people of the United States will not consent to bring a new, vastly extensive, and slaveholding country, large enough for half a dozen or a dozen States, into the Union. IN MY OPINION THEY OUGHT NOT TO CONSENT TO IT. Indeed, I am altogether at a loss to conceive what possible benefit any part of this country can expect to derive from such annexation. All benefit, to any part, is at least doubtful and uncertain, the objections obvious, plain, and strong. On the general question of Slavery, a great portion of the community is already strongly excited. The subject has not only attracted attention as a question of politics, but it has struck a far deeper-toned cord-it has arrested the religious feeling of the country; it has taken a strong hold on the consciences of men. He is a rash man, indeed, and little conversant with human nature, and especially has he a very erroneous estimate of the character of the people of this country, who supposes that a feeling of this kind is to be trifled with, or despised. It will assuredly cause itself to be respected." In conclusion, he said: Objections being made, the resolutions were not received; the Southern members showing a disinclination to have the subject agitated in the House at present. Might it not be considered as savoring too much of a violation of private confidence, we could refer to various declarations of persons high in office in the national government, avowing a fixed determination to bring Texas into the Union, declaring that they had assurances of the aid of the Free States to accomplish the object, and insisting that they prefer a dissolution of the Union to the rejection of Texas, expressing, however, at the same time, their confidence, that if the annexation could be effected, the people of the Free States would submit to it, and the institutions of the Slave States would be secured and perpetuated. Contenting ourselves, however, with the above brief glance at some of the most prominent evidence in relation to the subject, we submit to you whether the project of annexation seems to be abandoned, and whether there be not the most imminent danger of its speedy accom- We hold that there is not only "no political neplishment, unless the entire mass of the people in cessity" for it, no advantages to be derived the Free States become aroused to a conviction of from it," but that there is no constitutional power this danger, and speak out, and act in reference delegated to any department of the national gov. to it, in a manner and with a voice not to be mis-ernment to authorize it; that no act of Congress, understood, either by the people of the Slave States, or their own public servants and Representatives. Although perfectly aware that many important and controlling objections to annexation exist aside from the question of Slavery, we have in this address confined ourselves principally to that, because of its paramount importance, and because the advocates of annexation distinctly place it upon that ground-most of the specious arguments and reasons in favor of annexation, with which its advocates attempt to gild the pill for Northern palates, are just about as sincere and substantial as were those of Mr. WISE in the "I see, therefore, no political necessity for the annexation of Texas to the Union; no advantages to be derived from it; and objections to it of a strong, and, in my judgment, decisive character. I believe it to be for the interest and happiness of the whole Union, to remain as it is, without dimi nution and without addition." or treaty, for annexation, can impose the least obligation upon the several States of this Union to submit to such an unwarrantable act, or to receive into their family and fraternity such misbegotten and illegitimate progeny. We hesitate not to say, that annexation, effected by any act or proceeding of the Federal Gov. ernment, or any of its departments, WOULD BE IDENTICAL WITH DISSOLUTION. It would be a violation of our national compact, its objects, designs, and the great elementary principles which entered into its formation, of a character so deep and fundamental and would be an attempt to eternize an institution and a power of a nature so unjust in themselves, so injurious to the inter- timore Nominating Convention-Mr. Polk ests and abhorrent to the feelings of the people of being selected in his stead, by a body which the Free States, as, in our opinion, not only inevitably to result in a dissolution of the Union, had been supposed pledged to renominate but fully to justify it; and we not only assert that the ex-President-excited considerable feelthe people of the Free States "ought not to sub-ing, especially among the Democrats of New mit to it," but we say, with confidence, THEY York. A number of their leaders united in WOULD NOT SUBMIT TO IT. We know their present temper and spirit on this subject too well to a letter, termed the "Secret Circular," adbelieve for a moment that they would become vising their brethren, while they supported particeps criminis in any such subtle contrivance Polk and Dallas, to be careful to vote for for the irremediable perpetuation OF AN INSTITE candidates for Congress who would set their TION, which the wisest and best men who formed faces as a flint against annexation. Here is our Federal Constitution, as well from the Slave as the Free States, regarded as an evil and a curse, soon to become extinct under the operation of laws to be passed, prohibiting the Slave Trade, and the progressive influence of the principles of the Revolution. To prevent the success of this nefarious project to preserve from such gross violation the Constitution of our country, adopted expressly" to secure the blessings of liberty," and not the perpetuation of Slavery and to prevent the speedy and violent dissolution of the Union-we invite you to unite, without distinction of party, in an immediate expression of your views on this subject, in such manner as you may deem best calculated to answer the end proposed. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, CHRISTOPHER MORGAN, WASHINGTON, March 3rd, 1843. the circular : "SIR-You will, doubtless, agree with us, that the late Baltimore Convention placed the Democratic Party, at the North, in a position of great difficulty. We are constantly reminded that it rejected Mr. Van Buren, and nominated Mr. Polk, for reasons connected with the immediate annexation of Texas-reasons which had no relation to the principles of the party. Nor was that all. The Convention went beyond the authority delegated to its members, and adopted a resolution on the subject of Texas (a subject not before the country when they were elected, upon which, therefore, they were not instructed), which seeks to interpolate into the party creed a new doctrine, hitherto unknown among us, at war with some of our established principles, and abhorrent to the opinions and feelings of a great majority of Northern freemen. In this position, what was the party at the North to do? Was it to reject the nominations, and abandon the contest? or should it support the nominations, rejecting the untenable doctrine interpolated at the Convention, and taking care that their support should be accompanied by such an expression of their opinion as to prevent its being misinterpreted? The latter alternative has been preferred, and we think wisely; for we conceive that a proper expression of their opinion will save their votes pressed upon the country. "With these views, assuming that you feel on this subject as we do, we have been desired to address you, and invite the coöperation of yourself and other friends throughout the State: [NOTE. The above Address was drawn up by from misconstruction, and that proper efforts will secure the nomination of such Members of ConHon. Seth M. Gates of New York, at the sugges-gress as will reject the unwarrantable scheme now tion of John Quincy Adams, and sent to Members of Congress at their residences, after the close of the session, for their signatures. Many more than the above approved heartily of its positions and objects, and would have signed it, but for its premature publication, through mistake. Mr. Winthrop of Mass. was one of these, with Gov. Briggs, of course: Mr. Fillmore declined signing it.] The letters of Messrs. Clay and Van Buren, taking ground against annexation, without the consent of Mexico, as an act of bad faith and aggression, which would necessarily result in war, which appeared in the spring of 1844, make slight allusions, if any, to the Slavery aspect of the case. In a later letter, Mr. Clay declared that he did not oppose annexation on account of Slavery, which he regarded as a temporary institution, which, therefore, ought not to stand in the way of a permanent acquisition. And, though Mr. Clay's last letter on the subject, prior to the election of 1844, reiterated and emphasized all his objections to annexation under the existing circumstances, he did not include the existence of Slavery. "1st.-In the publication of a joint letter, declaring your purpose to support the nomination, rejecting the resolutions respecting Texas. 2nd-In promoting and supporting at the next elections the nomination for Congress of such persons as concur in these opinions. "If your views in this matter coincide with ours, please write to some one of us, and a draught of the proposed letter will be forwarded for examination. Silas Wright, then a Senator of the United States, and who, as such, had opposed the Tyler Treaty of Annexation, was now run for Governor, as the only man who could carry the State of New York for Polk and Dallas. In a democratic speech at Skaneateles, N. Y., Mr. Wright had recently declared that he could never consent to Annexation on any terms which would give The defeat of Mr. Van Buren, at the Bal- | Slavery an advantage over Freedom. This sentiment was reïterated and amplified in a a great Convention of the Democracy, which met at Herkimer, in the autumn of this year. The contest proceeded with great earnestness throughout the Free States, the supporters of Polk and of Birney (the Abolition candidate for President), fully agreeing in the assertion that Mr. Clay's position was equally favorable to Annexation with Mr. Polk's. Mr. Birney, in a letter published on the eve of the Election, declared that he regarded Mr. Clay's election as more favorable to Annexation than Mr. Polk's, because, while equally inclined to fortify and extend Slavery, he possessed more ability to influence Congress in its favor. He says: "I have no reasons for opposing Mr. Clay on personal grounds. On the contrary, the intercourse we have had has been of the most friendly character. I oppose his election, because he disbelieves the great political truths of the Declaration of Independence, the foundation of all just government, and because he repudiates the paramount objects of the Union, the perpetuation of liberty to all. On the same ground, I oppose the election of Mr. Polk. But I more deprecate the election of Mr. Clay-because, possessing abilities superior to Mr. Polk's, he would proportionately weaken the influence of those truths on the minds of our countrymen. 'Respectfully, &c., "JAMES G. BIRNEY." "Every day will tend to weaken that combi nation of political causes which led to the opposiconviction that it was not only expedient, but tion of the measure, and to strengthen the just and necessary. "You were right in making the distinction between the interests of France and England in reference to Texas-or rather, I should say, the apparent interests of the two countries. France interests in desiring to see her preserve her sepacannot possibly have any other than commercial rate independence, while it is certain that England looks beyond, to political interests, to which she apparently attaches much importance. But, in our opinion, the interest of both against the measure is more apparent than real; and that neither France, England, nor even Mexico herself, has any in opposition to it, when the subject is fairly viewed and considered in its whole extent, and in all its bearings. Thus viewed and considered, and assuming that peace, the extension of commerce, and security, are objects of primary policy with them, it may, as it seems to me, be readily shown that the policy on the part of those powers which would acquiesce in a measure so strongly desired by both the United States and Texas, for their mutual welfare and safety, as the annexation of the latter to the former, would be far more promotive of these great objects than that which would attempt to resist it. "It is impossible to cast a look at the map of the United States and Texas, and to note the long, artificial and inconvenient line which divides them, and to take into consideration the extraordinary increase of population and growth of the former, and the source from which the latter must derive its inhabitants, institutions, and laws, without coming to the conclusion that it is Before this time, but as yet withheld from, their destiny to be united, and of course, that and unknown to, the public, Mr. Calhoun, mode. Thus regarded, the question to be decided Annexation is merely a question of time and now President Tyler's Secretary of State, would seem to be, whether it would not be better and an early and powerful advocate of An- to permit it to be done now, with the mutual connexation, had addressed to Hon. Wm. R. sent of both parties, and the acquiescence of King, our Embassador at Paris, the follow-these powers, than to attempt to resist and deteat ing official dispatch : Mr. Calhoun to Mr. King. "DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, August 12, 1844. "SIR-I have laid your dispatch, No. 1, before the President, who instructs me to make known to you that he has read it with much pleasure, especially the portion which relates to your cordial reception by the King, and his assurance of friendly feelings toward the United States. The President, in particular, highly appreciates the declaration of the King, that, in no event, would any steps be taken by his government in the slightest degree hostile, or which would give to the United States just cause of complaint. It was the more gratifying from the fact, that our previous information was calculated to make the impression that the government of France was prepared to unite with Great Britain in a joint protest against the annexation of Texas, and a joint effort to induce her Government to withdraw the proposition to annex, on condition that Mexico should be made to acknowledge her independence. He is happy to infer from your dispatch that the information, so far as it relates to France, is, in all probability, without foundation. You did not go further than you ought, in assuring the King that the object of Annexation would be pursued with unabated vigor, and in giving your opinion that a decided majority of the American people were in its favor, and that it would certainly be annexed at no distant day. I feel confident that your anticipation will be fully realized at no distant period. it. "If the former course be adopted, the certain fruits would be the preservation of peace, great extension of commerce by the rapid settlement and improvement of Texas, and increased security, especially to Mexico. The last, in reference to Mexico, may be doubted; but I hold it not less clear than the other two. "It would be a great mistake to suppose that this Government has any hostile feelings toward Mexico, or any disposition to aggrandize itself at her expense. The fact is the very reverse. "It wishes her well, and desires to see her settled down in peace and security; and is prepared, in the event of the Annexation of Texas, if not forced into conflict with her, to propose to settle with her the question of boundary, and all others growing out of the Annexation, on the most liberal terms. Nature herself has clearly marked the boundary between her and Texas by natural limits, too strong to be mistaken. There are few countries whose limits are so distinctly marked; and it would be our desire, if Texas should be united to us, to see them firmly established, as the most certain means of establishing permanent peace between the two countries, and strengthening and cementing their friendship. Such would be the certain consequence of permitting the Annexation to take place now, with the acquiescence of Mexico; but very different would be the case if it should be attempted to resist and defeat it, whether the attempt should be successful for the present or not. Any attempt of the kind would, not improbably, lead to a conflict between us and Mexico, and involve consequences, in reference to her and the general peace, long to be deplored on both sides, and difficult to be repaired. But, | ments, furnishes proof not less conclusive. That one of the objects of abolishing it there is to facilitate its abolition in the United States, and throughout the continent, is manifest from the declaration of the Abolition party and societies both in this country and in Englaud. In fact, there is good reason to believe that the scheme of abolishing it in Texas, with a view to its abolition in the United States, and over the conti nent, originated with the prominent members of the party in the United States; and was first broached by them in the (so called) World's Convention, held in London in the year 1840, and through its agency brought to the notice of the British Government. "Now, I hold, not only that France can have no interest in the consummation of this grand scheme, which England hopes to accomplish through Texas, if she can defeat the Annexation, but that her interests, and those of all the Continental powers of Europe are directly and deeply opposed to it. "In the mean time, the condition of Texas would be rendered uncertain, her settlement and prosperity in consequence retarded, and her commerce crippled; while the general peace would be rendered much more insecure. It could not but greatly affect us. If the Annexation of Texas "It is too late in the day to contend that hushould be permitted to take place peaceably manity or philanthropy is the great object of the now, (as it would, without the interference of policy of England in attempting to abolish Afri other powers,) the energies of our people would, can Slavery on this Continent. I do not question for a long time to come, be directed to the peace- but humanity may have had a considerable able pursuits of redeeming and bringing within influence in abolishing Slavery in her West India the pale of cultivation, improvement, and civil. possessions, aided, indeed, by the fallacious calization, that large portion of the continent lying culation that the labor of the Negroes would be between Mexico on one side and the British at least as profitable, if not more so, in consepossessions on the other, which is now, with lit- quence of the measure. She acted on the princiile exception, a wilderness, with a sparse popula-ple that tropical products can be produced tion, consisting, for the most part, of wandering cheaper by free African labor and East India Indian tribes. labor, than by slave labor. She knew full well the value of such products to her commerce, navigation, navy, manufacturers, revenue, and power. She was not ignorant that the support and maintenance of her political preponderance depended on her tropical possessions, and had no intention of diminishing their productiveness, nor any anticipation that such would be the ef fect, when the scheme of abolishing Slavery in her colonial possessions was adopted. On the contrary, she calculated to combine philanthropy with profit and power, as is not unusual with fanaticism. Experience has convinced her of the fallacy of her calculations. She has failed in all her objects. The labor of her Negroes has proved far less productive, without affording the consolation of having improved their condition. "It is our destiny to occupy that vast region; to intersect it with roads and canals; to fill it with cities, towns, villages, and farms; to extend over it our religion, customs, constitution, and laws, and to present it as a peaceful and splendid addition to the domains of commerce and civilization. It is our policy to increase by growing and spreading out into unoccupied regions, assimilating all we incorporate: in a word, to increase by accretion, and not through conquest, by the addition of masses held together by the adhesion of force. "No system can be more unsuited to the latter process, or better adapted to the former, than our admirable federal system. If it should not be resisted in its course, it will probably fulfill its destiny without disturbing our neighbors, or putting in jeopardy the general peace; but if it be opposed by foreign interference, a new direction would be given to our energy, much less favorable to harmony with our neighbors, and to the general peace of the world. "The change would be undesirable to us, and much less in accordance with what I have assumed to be primary objects of policy on the part of France, England, and Mexico. "The experiment has turned out to be a costly one. She expended nearly one hundred millions of dollars in indemnifying the owners of the emancipated Slaves. It is estimated that the increased price paid since, by the people of Great Britain, for sugar and other tropical productions, in consequence of the measure, is equal to half that sum; and that twice that amount has been expended in the suppression of the Slave-trade; making together two hundred and fifty millions "But, to descend to particulars: it is certain of dollars as the cost of the experiment. Instead that while England, like France, desires the in- of realizing her hope, the result has been a sad dependence of Texas, with the view to commer- disappointment. Her tropical products have cial connections, it is not less so that, one of the fallen off to a vast amount. Instead of supplying leading motives of England for desiring it, is the her own wants, and those of nearly all Europe hope that, through her diplomacy and influence, with them, as formerly, she has now, in some of Negro Slavery may be abolished there, and ulti- the most important articles, scarcely enough to mately, by consequence, in the United States and supply her own. What is worse, her own colothroughout the whole of this continent. That nies are actually consuming sugar produced by its ultimate abolition throughout the entire conti-Slave-labor, brought direct to England, or refined nent is an object ardently desired by her, we have decisive proofs in the declaration of the Earl of Aberdeen, delivered to this Department, and of which you will find a copy among the documents transmitted to Congress with the Texan treaty. That she desires its abolition in Texas, and has used her influence and diplomacy to effect it there, the same document, with the correspondence of this Department with Mr. Packenham, also to be found among the docu in bond, and exported and sold in her colonies as cheap, or cheaper, than can be produced there; while the Slave-trade, instead of diminishing, has been in fact carried on to a greater extent than ever. So disastrous has been the result, that her fixed capital invested in tropical possessions, estimated at the value of nearly five hundred mil lions of dollars, is said to stand on the brink of ruin. "But this is not the worst; while this costly scheme has had such ruinous effects on the tropi- | stripped her in consequence of her error. In pur cal productions of Great Britain, it has given a powerful stimulus, followed by a corresponding increase of products, to those countries which had had the good sense to shun her example. There has been vested, it has been estimated by them, in the production of tropical products, since 1808, in fixed capital, nearly $4,000,000,000, wholly dependent on Slave-labor. In the same period, the value of their products has been estimated to have risen from about $72,000,000, annually, to nearly $220,000,000; while the whole of the fixed capital of Great Britain, vested in cultivating tropical products, both in the East and West Indies, is estimated at only about $830,000,000, and the value of the products annually at about $50,000,000. To present a still more striking view of three articles of tropical products (sugar, coffee, and cotton), the British possessions, including the East and West Indies, and Mauritius, produced in 1842, of sugar, only 3,993,771 pounds; while Cuba, Brazil, and the United States, excluding other countries having tropical possessions, produced 9,600,000 pounds; of coffee, the British possessions produced only 27,393,003 pounds, while Cuba and Brazil produced 201,590,125 pounds; and of cotton, the British possessions, including shipments to China, only 137,443,446 pounds, while the United States alone produced 790,479,275 pounds. "The above facts and estimate have all been drawn from a British periodical of high standing and authority,* and are believed to be entitled to eredit. "The vast increase of the capital and production on the part of those nations, who have continued their former policy toward the negro race, compared with that of Great Britain, indicates a corresponding relative increase of the means of commerce, navigation, manufactures, wealth, and power. It is no longer a question of doubt, that the great source of wealth, prosperity, and power of more civilized nations of the temperate zone (especially Europe, where the arts have made the greatest advance), depends, in a great degree, on the exchange of their products with those of the tropical regions. So great has been the advance made in the arts, both chemical and mechanical, within the few last generations, that all the old civilized nations can, with but a small part of their labor and capital, supply their respective wants; which tends to limit, within narrow bounds, the amount of the commerce between them, and forces them all to seek for markets in the tropical regions, and the more newly. settled portions of the globe. Those who can best succeed in commanding those markets, have the least prospect of outstripping the others in the career of commerce, navigation, manufactures, wealth, and power. This is seen and felt by British statesmen, and has opened their eyes to the errors which they have committed. The question now with them is, how shall it be counteracted? What has been done cannot be undone. The question is, by what means can Great Britain regain and keep a superiority in tropical cultivation, commerce, and influence? Or, shall that be abandoned, and other nations be suffered to acquire the supremacy, even to the extent of supplying British markets, to the destruction of the capital already vested in their production? These are the questions which now profoundly occupy the attention of her statesmen, and have the greatest influence over her councils. suit of the former, she has cast her eyes to her East India possessions-to Central and Eastern Africa-with the view of establishing colonies there, and even to restore, substantially, the Slavetrade itself, under the specious name of transporting her free laborers from Africa to her West India possessions, in order, if possible, to compete successfully with those who have refused to follow her suicidal policy. But these all afford but uncertain and distant hopes of recovering her lost superiority. Her main reliance is on the other alternative-to cripple or destroy the productions of her successful rivals. There is but one way by which it can be done, and that is by abolishing African Slavery throughout this continent; and that she openly avows to be the constant object of her policy and exertions. It matters not how, or from what motive, it may be done-whether it be by diplomacy, influence, or force; by secret or open means; and whether the motive be humane or selfish, without regard to manner, means, or motive. The thing itself, should it be accomplished, would put down all rivalry, and give her the undisputed supremacy in supplying her own wants, and those of the rest of the world; and thereby more than fully retrieve what she lost by her errors. It would give her the monopoly of tropical productions, which I shall next proceed to show. "What would be the consequence if this object of her unceasing solicitude and exertions should be effected by the abolition of Negro Slavery throughout this continent, some idea may be formed from the immense diminution of productions, as has been shown, which has followed abolition in her West India possessions. But, as great as that has been, it is nothing compared with what would be the effect, if she should succeed in abolishing Slavery in the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and throughout this continent. The experiment in her own colonies was made under the most favorable circumstances. It was brought about gradually and peaceably by the steady and firm operation of the parent country, armed with complete power to prevent or crush at once all insurrectionary movements on the part of the negroes, and able and disposed to maintain to the full, the political and social ascendancy of the former Masters over their former Slaves. It is not at all wonderful that the change of the relations of Master and Slave took place, under such circumstances, without violence and bloodshed, and that order and peace should have been since preserved. Very different would be the result of abolition, should it be effected by her influence and exertions in the possessions of other countries on this continent and especially in the United States, Cuba, and Brazil, the great cultivators of the principal tropical products of America. To form a correct conception of what would be the result with them, we must look, not to Jamaica, but to St. Domingo, for example. The change would be followed by unforgiving hate between the two races, and end in a bloody and deadly struggle between them for the superiority. One or the other would have to be subjugated, extirpated, or expelled; and desolation would over. spread their territories, as in St. Domingo, from which it would take centuries to recover. The end would be, that the superiority in cultivating the great tropical staples would be transferred from them to the British tropical possessions. "They are of vast extent, and those beyond the Cape of Good Hope, possessed of an unlimited "In order to regain her superiority, she not only amount of labor, standing ready, by the aid of seeks to revive and increase her own capacity to British capital, to supply the deficit which produce tropical productions, but to diminish and would be occasioned by destroying the tropical destroy the capacity of those who have so far out-productions of the United States, Cuba, Brazil, * Blackwood's Magazine for June, 1841. and other countries cultivated by Slave-labor on this continent, as soon as the increased prices, in consequence, would yield a profit. It is the |