THE STATE; ITS FUNCTIONS AND DUTIES.

BY GEO. A. SCHILLING.

In considering the problem of human government the relation of man to his fellow man in organized civilized society, his security to life and the pursuit of happiness, we approach a subject not new; but we approach it with keener intellects and a more wide-spread desire, than was ever before manifested in the history of civilized man. In this relation of thought there are three fundamental schools to-day, claiming the attention of mankind, and vieing with each other for supremacy.

1st. The "laissez faire" school, represented so ably this evening by Mr. I. K. Boyeson, contends that the only true function of government is the protection of the citizen in his life and property; that is, that the existence of compulsory government is justified, and the forcible collection of taxes insisted upon, on the ground that all citizens are to receive protection against murder, arson, theft, the violations of contracts and the obligations affecting the rights of citizens in their relation to each other. In all other matters the true consistent follower of this school says to the government: "hands off "-let alone.

Each citizen is to be undisturbed in his pursuit of happiness and success. Were all those who claim fellowship in this school possessed with courage, foresight and fidelity, less fault could be found; but the large mass of its followers are confused, inconsistent and cowardly.

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Many of them say that the “lẹt alone" policy is only a general rule full of important exceptions, calling from time to time for governmental regulation and interference. Thus, some are in favor of compulsory education and public taxation for free libraries; while others, favor governmental regulation of money, child labor, eight hours, etc., etc., while scarcely any one of them has the courage to attack the fundamental cause, that which vitiates the law of "equal freedom," that which gives a privileged few the power to subjugate and rob the many, that which more than all else produces those social inequalities and repeatedly suggests to them the necessity of State interference, in behalf of the weak and helpless-I mean land monopoly.

It is monstrous to talk about letting things alone, after the few have secured possession of the earth with all its life sustaining forces through the sanction and protection of government, thereby creating a condition

under which the large mass of people can accumulate no property; hence have none to protect.

2d. The Collectivists, or State Socialists, represented by Mr. C. S. Darrow, believe that the true function of government is not only to protect life, but to secure the citizen against want by assuming control (through the government) of all the industrial activities of society, productive and distributive, as well as all the educational agencies, that contribute to the intellectual development of its citizens, thereby creating one vast centralized political bureaucracy, under whose wise or unwise, just or unjust, liberal or tyranical conduct, under majority rule, all the people will find work and wages.

The third school are the Individualists, or Anarchists, to which I belong. The Anarchists believe that society has within itself the potency of carrying forward, through voluntary asssociation, all of the moral, intellectual and material interests of mankind. "Governments, (says our friend Salter) are established to protect the weak against the strong," and yet it is a notorious fact that the strong and cunning in every government (not excepting our own) succeed in getting to the top, and lay hold of its machinery for personal and class aggrandizement, at the very expense of the weak, which it claims to protect.

Let us note more specifically what are the functions of the State, and examine in detail the efficiency with which the State to-day discharges its public trusts.

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There is no institution in America that is more sincerely cherished than our free common school;" to question the propriety of the State taxing its citizens for educational purposes is to excite the wrath and indignation of a vast number of patriotic men and women, and yet the fact is, that in Chicago, we have signally failed to provide adequate school facilities for thousands of our children, while the funds really expended are misapplied in teaching foreign languages, music, etc., at the expense of a thorough primary education. But foreign languages must be taught, particularly the German, so that our political bosses will not incur the wrath of this section of voters, though thousands of our youths are deprived thereby of an education in the language of their country, and are sent forth from the school weak and ignorant to pursue the struggle for existence.

What has the State done for, and how has it discharged its responsibility toward, the weak, the blind and the insane? Is it necessary to show the impotency of our County Government in caring properly for the unfortunates thrown upon its hands? Repeated investigations have shown that these very unfortunates, who should excite the highest feelings of the community, have been made the means of public plunder, fed on putrid meats, stale bread and rotten vegetables, so that contractors and officials might divide more spoils, not to speak of the brutal treatment they have received at the hands of the "toughs," appointed by the commissioners, not for their fitness, but to reciprocate for services rendered on the political field.

Some years ago, I, in company with a number of associates, collected data as to the economy and efficiency of the State in the collection of

debts, and we found to our amazement that for every dollar collected about one dollar and fifty cents are expended through the requisite legal proceedings to accomplish the result. Were you to put the slow and expensive methods of the State to the test of private business enterprise, you would not tolerate them. Were I to apply to any of your business men for a situation, the first question you would settle is, "do I need him?" If after a month's trial, you discover that the wages paid me were out of all proportion to the services rendered, you would undoubtedly discharge me; but when you deal with our governmental agencies, your patriotism prompts you to be very lenient; yet there are some signs of discontent.

Some time since the grocers and butchers of this city organized an association for mutual protection against "dead beats." I verily believe, that were all laws for the collection of debt abolished, such voluntary associations would suffice to compel men to pay bills contracted, or be starved to death through the general refusal of credit. This is not a mere theory; the utility of this principle is tested daily in our midst.

The Chicago Board of Trade compels its members to submit to a committee of arbitration their grievances growing out of violation of contracts. Each year vast interests are adjudicated, aggregating thousands of dollars, to the general satisfaction of its members. Some years ago, I had a conversation with the then President of the Board of Trade on this subject. Said I, "Mr. Hutchinson, in the settlement of such vast interests three important elements are involved. First, the cost of settlement; second, the dispatch with which it is settled; and third, the degree of equity reached in the settlement. Will you please tell me what is the relative proportion of these three factors, when settled by the committee of the Board, as compared with the settlement of a like case in the courts of law."

His reply was, that he had "never considered it closely, but would judge that the cost was about one cent, to the courts' dollars; as to dispatch, it held about the same proportion; while on the question of equity, the members of the committee of arbitration were experts-familiar with every detail of business transacted on the Board, and it only required a knowledge of the facts for these specialists to determine with the largest degree of certainty the equity to be meted out." Here, then, we have evidence of the largest commercial institution in our city enforcing contracts and adjudicating questions of equity between its members, as much superior to the methods of the State as the electric light is superior to the tallow dip. One of our Cook County judges told me some time since, the reason why the Board of Trade adjudicated its own matters was because so much of their business transactions were unlawful that they could not get redress in the courts. Let this be as it may, it does not affect the merits of my argument nor disprove the superior efficiency of the Board in settling questions of dispute.

At this time there is much agitation about government control and ownership of railroads and telegraphs. Why? The answer is, "to get rid of monopoly." But does not this create a government monopoly more oppressive and less efficient than the ones we complain of? There is no

reason to believe that the government would bring to the administration of transportation and communication any less stupidity or villainy than it has manifested it its other departments. Nepotism and political hustling are the marks of merit recognized by the "boss" in political life. The converse is true with private enterprise. Nearly all of our railroad officials to-day are men who have given the best years of their lives to the railroad service. Can the same be said in behalf of our postoffice, or water department? I think it is safe to say that were our railroads and telegraphs dominated by the same reckless principle in their administration, as displayed by government, these companies would either be compelled to double rates, or go through bankruptcy. But why multiply instances? The evidences of State perfidy, extravagance, incapacity and inertia, are all about us. Everything it touches, it paralyzes. Why then extend its functions, or presume that it has any? Do those who advocate this general scheme of governmentalism, realize that its fulfillment would be the vortex in which our ship of social and industrial progress would find its doom? So long as progress consists of the specialization of function, every interference of government with the free industrial activity of its citizens, must ever clog the wheels of society, and fetter its march to a higher and better life. History does not show that progress received its impelling force from either governments or majorities; the former always brutal, reaching out for more power; the latter, stupid and resigned to the custom and habits of the time; the individual alone seeing ahead of his day-whether in the domain of religion, politics or science-follows that light, breaks through the crust of established habit, wars against the State, and the superstition of the masses, and oh! how oft has he been sacrificed on the alter of human liberty by those he sought to emancipate!

THE USES AND ABUSES OF SPECULATION.

BY GEO. J. BRINE.

Speculation, in its commonly accepted sense, is understood to mean the purchase, sale or production of some form of property, in expectation of a profitable return as the result of a change in its price or value. Hence, the object of Speculation may be to increase the supply of a particular article, which at one time may be silk goods, at another "shoddy,” in one instance steel rails, in another steel traps. It may mean the building of a railroad or the compounding of a patent medicine that is to heal all nations, and of which it may be said in the language of the irrepressible Colonel Sellers : "There's millions in it."

The speculative spirit, in the sense now being considered, will hesitate at no enterprise however gigantic, nor deem unworthy of its consideration the most trifling undertaking, provided the "nimble dollar" promises to attend upon the accomplishment of either. Millions of treasure were ready to make the trial for an ocean-connecting canal at Panama; while the man who devises a possibly popular toy need not ask twice for money to put it on the market.

The element of chance, the possibility of failure-whether through changing fashions, financial or economic disturbances, or political movements of world-wide influence—may retard or even make retreat the timid souls" who fain would climb but that they fear to fall;" but not so those resolute spirits whose successes are half won by the very courage with which they set about their ventures. Weighing well the cost of the undertaking and the obstacles that may be met, they move out into new fields of commercial enterprise or along the lines of those already tried, undeterred by the failures that weaker men have made. It has been said that all trade is based upon Speculation, and, in a sense, this is true. While the ordinary buying of goods by a retail merchant is not regarded as speculative dealing, yet, even his operations become so in many ways. To whatever extent he increases his stock in any department, in anticipation of advance in price or of increased demand, to that extent his purchases are entirely speculative. If he finds no necessity for the investment of his surplus earnings in his business, then he must seek some other channel