dishonesty; and "somebody," among a great companies, of which there are two in Newvariety of commodities, sends "rolls of York, for the prompt distribution of letters tobacco, samples of machinery, fire-arms, after passing through the Post-office and and bundles of clothing for the laundry!" paying. This at least equals our "letters" a bale in size, hampers of game, and pianofortes; only with us that practice existed in ancient days, before Victoria was Queen of our island. The people have an idea that the books reach them "free" of cost: the fact is, that the cost is $3,000,000,- only it is paid for by a tax upon letter-writers exclusively, with the freight for the grain of the Patent Office and other privileged heavy goods.

Now these facts have not only an American interest, they are most instructive to us;-first, because they so greatly confirm the policy which we have adopted, and so justly measure the inestimable blessing that sometimes we are inclined to underrate because it has become familiar; and secondly, because they prove to us how further reforms, further applications of the same principles, may bring to us an increase of convenience Complicated rates, varying with weight, without loss, and with increase of profit to distance, and local circumstances, are among the State. The revenue of the American the reasons why the Americans use the Post-Post-office has advanced from $4,477,614 office far less than we do; and a reproducing in 1839 to $6,683,537 in 1854. The English result is, that the Post-office, weaker in rev-neat revenue has increased from the $2,503,enue, is contracted in machinery. One fact 947 to which it fell in 1840 after the sweepwill illustrate the contrast between England and America in this respect:

"The London District Post' comprises an area seventy-five miles in circuit, known as the 'twelve-mile circle'- -a radius of twelve miles from the General Post-office at St. Martin's-leGrand. Within this distance from the London central Post-office-a less number of miles than from the upper end of New York island to the Old Dutch Church' in Nassau Street-there are four hundred and ninety-eight sub-postoffices and receiving-houses. In New York city there is just exactly one post-office."

With a population about equal to our own, and much better trained in the rudiments of education, the use of the American post is nearly stationary.

"The result, then, is this-The population of the British empire is about the same as that of the United States; about one-half of their people can neither read nor write; the increase of the British population is 5 per cent in fourteen years, while ours is 45 per cent in the same time; nine-tenths of our people can read and write; we print and read nearly four times as many periodical publications in a year as they do, while we only write about one-fourth as many letters, and the increase of letters here is only one-half what it is there."

ing reduction, to $5,976,532 in 1854; and the increase, as everybody knows, has been progressive. The advantages, however, are not at all to be estimated by the simple increase of postal revenue. The community has much more profited by the actual increase in the number of letters which we have already noticed. Business has been facilitated and promoted; personal intercourse and happiness have been equally promoted. We have been able to discover, è converso, how fallacious is the argument of an American Post-office official, who believes that the number of letters missent and totally lost in the United States contributes to the revenue, because people are obliged to write so many more letters. There are Transatlantic Measors, it seems.

But this movement in the United States has a yet larger interest: a mere glance will show its scope. It is proposed by Mr. Miles to move for a uniform rate of two cents. If this were carried out, the Model Republic would be added to the territory within which a penny rate prevails. The next step would be to make a penny rate available for both countries, as well as for the English Colonies. The advantages thus illustrated would bring in other countries, such as France. It has "We have been flattering ourselves," says been shown, over and over again, that in the Mr. Miles, "that we have adopted, as far as case of letters the cost of conveyance is circumstances will admit, the great postal infinitesimal as compared with the cost of improvements advanced by Mr. Rowland collection and distribution; while facilities Hill. Yes! the play of Hamlet with the for multiplying correspondence are infinitely part of Hamlet left out." They have low more profitable to the community that enjoys postage, but not uniformity. There are them, by the indirect profits than by the three rates of postage of letters; three meth- direct revenue. We may be amused at the ods of computing those rates; more than fifty curious spectacle of the great modern Rerates of book-postage. We already see one public so far behind poor old England in a grand test in the stationary condition of the great reform; but it is clear that the United American postal revenue at the higher rates, States cannot be long before it is on a level while the English has advanced so largely. with us, stirring our emulation by its honest Another test is the establishment of private | rivalry.

From The Economist, 29 Dec. FOREIGN POLICY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

NO. VII.*

THE SIMPLIFICATION AND THE COMPLICATION OF
OUR INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS.

Two material changes have been brought over the European world by the events and the progress of the last half-century. One of these has tended greatly to simplify, and the other greatly to complicate, our international relations. The first is the alteration which economic science has at length wrought in our system of commercial policy; the second is the spread of the democratic spiritas Tories would express themselves, or the awakening of peoples to a perception of their duties and their rights—as patriots would prefer to term it.

Mauritius. Barbadoes may purchase her flour and staves from New York instead of New Brunswick or Canada, if she prefers it. Colonies, too, we have come to consider in a new light. We are no longer very desirous either to extend our own or to possess those of other nations. We have resigned all the imaginary advantages arising out of their exclusive commerce, and we have discovered that they are costly to keep and troublesome to govern. Some among us, indeed — the politicians of the ledger — have begun to talk not only of emancipating them if they wish, but of cutting them adrift whether they wish or not. It is true that we still endeavor through our diplomatists to persuade other Governments to imitate our liberal commercial policy, but we do so as scientific professors, not as military bullies; - we exhort them in the Formerly half our quarrels with other name of their own interest; we no longer nations had their origin in the grasping am-seek to compel them to a low tariff, or menace bition and the narrow views of the commer- retaliation upon a high one. And, as far as cial interest in England. Half our wars our commerce is concerned, the occupation were undertaken to secure a monopoly of of our mighty navy is confined to protecting trade. We fought for markets; and im- it from pirates in peace, from privateers in pressed our customers pretty much as we im- war, and from the occasional injustice or illpressed our sailors. Our diplomatists were treatment of capricious and half-civilized constantly engaged in treating for exclusive States. One most fertile source of hostile privileges for our goods, or in placing our collision is thus cast off; and so far our posimerchants on the footing of "the most fa- tion is far safer and our foreign policy far vored nation"; and our admirals were near-simpler than it used to be. ly as perpetually engrossed with watching over and enforcing the advantages which our negotiators had extorted. We founded colonies of our own, and we conquered and retained the colonies of others, with a view of confining to ourselves the sale of all their produce and compelling them to supply their wants at our emporiums alone. Ships, Colonies, and Commerce," was our common battle-cry; and we made war habitually in the name of the great arts and securities of peace.

66

But this new facility is more than counterbalanced by the new perplexity to which we have adverted. Before the great French Revolution our diplomacy knew nothing of peoples: it dealt only with courts. Nations, in fact, as apart from their rulers, had no recognized existence. They were private estates, as it were, of the sovereigns who reigned over them. This appears in the diplomatic language and forms which have survived till now, though shorn of much of their genuineness. We do not treat with the Dutch, the Now all this is changed. We have adopted Russians, the Turks, the Spaniards, the a system at once wiser, cheaper, and more French; but with" the Court of Versailles,” Christian. We have embraced unlimited the "Cabinet of Madrid," "the Porte,' freedom of trade; and what we have decided the Hague," "the Court of St. James," on for ourselves we allow to our dependencies. or " of St. Petersburg," and so on. So long We no longer seek to exclude the productions as in our negotiations and dealings we studied of other countries from any market. We and penetrated the obvious interests, the trasell wherever we can sell dearest and buy ditional policy, the family alliances of these wherever we can buy cheapest, and we per- courts, we did all that was necessary. That mit our colonies to do the same. We have the people might not back their rulers; that opened our own arena to all competitors. the popular party might paralyze the action We have repealed our stringent navigation of the sovereign; that the nation might be laws, and we allow any goods to be imported our enemy though the Government was our in any bottoms. American ships can charter friend, never entered or was required to for Jamaica or discharge in Liverpool as free-enter into our calculations. States were inly as our own, sharing equal privileges, pay-dividual potentates, having like ourselves ing equal duties. Brazil and Cuba send us personal ambitions, and sometimes personal their sugar as freely as Trinidad or the hatreds and affections: States whose objects and interests clashed, or were supposed to clash with ours, were our "natural ene

* Nos. III. IV. v. and VI. we have not thought well to copy. - Living Age.

mies"; States, again, whose objects and in- and the despots and the despotic party looked terests came, or could be made to come, into to Austria and Russia, as their "natural collision with those of our "natural ene- allies." Patriots, bent on conquering civil mies," became thereby our "natural allies." rights, found their own sovereigns to be their With the great convulsion of 1789, how-natural enemies," and those countries once ever, a disturbing element was introduced called such, to be their real friends. In this into these simple international relations - way a new influence ran across the web of an element which has ever since been gaining international policy, so simple and clearly strength, and which has manifested itself defined of old; and hostilities and alliances from time to time in a manner which enforces began to be modified or decided by sympathies recognition. Internal struggles have to a of political opinion more than by considergreat extent taken the place of foreign wars, ation of national interests. Every country and contests for civil rights and personal in which a parliamentary government prefreedom have superseded in frequency and vailed, we felt to be a sort of "natural importance questions as to national indepen- ally; every country in which despotism dence and aggrandizement. Since the excit- had suppressed liberty could scarcely be ing examples set by America and France, otherwise than a suspected neutral or an the people of nearly every nation of Western understood foe. Hence arose a strong interEurope have been in a state of chronic fer- est in the internal struggles of neighboring mentation on the question of free institutions States, and an earnest desire for the victory and parliamentary government; they have of that party whose advent to power might endeavored to become citizens as well as sub-convert an enemy into a friend. It is true jects; some have succeeded partially; some that all these cross sympathies are constantly have succeeded temporarily; some have modified by a variety of circumstances, and abused their liberty, and brought it into dis- are not yet systematized or fully avowed; repute; some have abused their liberty, and timidity or selfishness in our national counlost it. But the conflict still goes on- some- cils often compel them to lie dormant; a times silently, sometimes noisily; the people Tory Ministry finds excuses for the tenacity are striving to extend their rights and liber- of arbitrary power; a Liberal Ministry depalize their institutions; the sovereigns are recates the excesses and dreads the too signal striving to recover their old authority or to victory of freedom, when freedom assumes or maintain what they possess. In 1813 the menaces to assume the republican form; instincts of freedom were summoned forth to but generally, and as a whole, it is felt by combat one mighty despot: in 1816 and sub- our people and is beginning to be acknowsequently, the danger being past, smaller ledged by our rulers, that our "natural despots endeavored once more to lull these enemies" are the Autocratic Sovereigns, and instincts into torpor. In 1821 they broke our "natural_allies" the free Governments out afresh; again in 1830 and 1831; again of Europe. It is also felt and admitted, in 1848. In 1832 England, the great Con- though less conclusively and universally, stitutional Government of Europe, com- that in those countries where the popular pleted, extended, and consolidated the fabric and the despotic elements are striving for the of her liberties. In 1850, France, Spain, mastery, our real friendship belongs to the Portugal, Holland, Belgium, Sweden, Switzer-people, though our formal alliance may go land, and Piedmont, had parliamentary gov- with the sovereign. ernments and popular liberties more or less Another element still is beginning to make extensive and established. Lombardy and itself heard and to add its might to the comGermany had tried for them and failed; plexity around us. We have the spirit of Hungary had lost them by a sad complication NATIONALITY as well as the spirit of democof treachery and violence. While subjects racy to deal with. To have sprung from were thus striving with their rulers, and the same race, to speak the same language, endeavoring to extort rights and institutions to belong to the same tribe, is daily more to which they deemed themselves entitled, and more felt to be a yet stronger tie of pobut with which these rulers deemed them litical consanguinity than even the idem velle unfit to be intrusted, it was natural that et idem nolle de republica. The desire for they should look to England for sympathy, close union with brethren of the same people if not for aid, and that England should look is in many a mightier passion than even the with favor, if not with ostensible encourage-love of liberty. The hatred of foreign domiment, upon their efforts. It was equally nation is more vehement even than the detesnatural that the rulers in these cases should tation of tyrannic rule. It is, too, a feeling look for countenance and comfort from their with which Britons can sympathize just as fellow princes. Hence the people and the warmly. It is, we believe, yet more inexconstitutional party in continental countries tinguishable. And whatever we may think looked to England, and sometimes to France, of Poland - however we may be disposed to

accept the extinction of that nationality as a | we at home know with how little wisdom fait accompli,it is abundantly certain that our part of the world is governed. Englishso long as Lombards and Magyars groan un- men have blundered on to to greatness in the der the wretched yoke of Austria, although East, as elsewhere. No conquest can be said the Court of St. James" may be in close to have been planned-province after provand formal alliance with the "Court of Vi-ince has been added to the empire with unenna," the heart of the people of England willingnesss, and as if in obedience to fatalwill go with the people who are burning to ity. At last we have gained seemingly the relieve themselves from the abhorred "Tedes-natural bounds of dominion. All that the co." And sooner or later, now that foreign questions have been fairly taken up by classes who awhile ago felt no interest regarding them, the feelings of the nation must find their expression and embodiment in the policy of the Government. As soon as Great Britain has arrived at a clear, strong, persistent opinion on international matters, the language and conduct of the Foreign Secretary must be in harmony with that opinion.

world has been accustomed to call India is now virtually under the British sceptre. The morasses of Burmah bound it to the East; its opposite frontier is now on the Indus, beyond which are narrow passes, sterile country, and tribes seemingly untameable. Of late a deadly contest nearer home has drawn away attention from the remoter East, but, as far as men's minds recurred to it, there was a notion that the phase of conquest had passed away, and that the absorption of the We have thus discussed the question wheth- protected States, the civilization of the peoer to a State like ours isolation is possible or ple, and the material improvements which seemly. We have seen that we are bound by can alone effect the change, were the first every principle of interest and duty as well as duties of a Governor-General. Now, howby sheer necessity to concern ourselves deeply ever, it is proved once more how little the with the movements of the outlying world. wishes and resolves of a nation can direct its We have glanced at the changes and compli- course. An event has occurred which decations which have come over the old scheme mands the interposition of the British Govof international relations; and we have con-ernment, and, should a recourse to arms be fessed that at present we have no well-defined necessary, it is the Indian Viceroyalty which or consistent foreign policy at all. We are must direct the machine of war. now, therefore, in a position to consider what principles and maxims we should adopt as the guide and pole-star of our future course. It is for the nation deliberately to determine what port is to be steered for it is for the statesmen who from time to time are summoned to the helm, to decide in each varying contingency what tack to go on, and what sail to shift when to veer, when to furl canvas, and when to set it.

From The Times, 3 Jan.

Herat has been taken by the Persians. The name of this city, which lies on the road from the Caspian to the Indus, has been for many years familiar to Indian politicians. Lying on the north-eastern frontier of Persia, its Sultan, though independent, must always be influenced by his more powerful neighbor. The fate of this city would be nothing to us if we believed that Persia itself was a Power free and unconstrained. But the situation

of the second great Mahomedan monarchy must give disquiet even to the most sanguine PERSIA VS. THE EAST INDIA COMPANY. politician. The religious feud which divides FOREIGNERS are somewhat imaginative in the Persians from the Turks on the one side, attributing to England a deep and vigilant and from the Affghans and Indian Mahompolicy. There are few even among the edu- edans on the other, is well known. It is cated of France and Germany who do not also notorious that the Persian monarchy is believe that England, never hasting but never feeble and corrupt even beyond the usual resting, is intent upon the development of degradation of the East. Russia has underher empire and commerce in both worlds. stood how to turn to account both the preIt is particularly with regard to our Indian judices and venality of the Persian Court. empire that the world is admiringly suspi- Although Persia has had many wars with cious. The rise and progress of that great her powerful neighbor, and has been plundominion, its strange foundation by a com-dered of more than one province, yet the pany of merchants, the wealth of the con- Shah looks to St. Petersburg not only with quered countries, their distance from the fear, but with a kind of cringing attachment land of the victorious race, and the fact that The increase of the Russian naval force on what has been gained by the sword can only the Caspian was contested by Persia in days be presevered by incessant watchfulness and gone by, but such resolution is no more. The unfailing energy, all tend to raise the won-efforts which Russia is now making for the der of strangers and to give birth to the idea defence of her Transcaucasian provinces are, of some singular Machiavellian policy. But we doubt not, aided by the Court of Teheran

to the full limits of its power. Astrabad, on | potentates-Russia and the Governor-Generthe Persian coast, has long been a Russian al. In any case, however, it is to the Indian station, and may be considered almost a Government that we must look, should the possession of the Czar. All the Persian remonstrances of our representative require trading vessels will be used to carry shell support. The Governor-General wields a and powder from Astrachan to Baku. The power which as yet has never been fully recent fall of Kars will, no doubt, increase tested. The armies of the three presidencies the power and reputation of the Czar in are reckoned by hundreds of thousands of Central Asia. Situated near the Persian men. The port of Bombay is within a fortfrontier, and on the line of the caravans, its night's sail of the Persian shores. Means name is well known throughout a vast of sea transport exist sufficient for the rapid region, which will now forget whatever it had conveyance of troops by a nation which has heard of the fall of Sebastopol. This is the absolute command of the Eastern waters. moment that we hear of a successful attack In a short time Bushire might be occupied on a bulwark of our empire by a potentate by a force which would at least cause Persia who obeys only the instigations of our enemy. to pause. It is certainly the case that the Now, there is no need of hasty action under southern provinces which border on the Gulf the influence of unfounded alarm. A march are of little value, and are hardly regarded from the Volga to the Indus was looked upon by the Persian Court. Bushire is separated as a dream by sensible men long before this from Teheran by a difficult country, thinly war began, and the results of the present inhabited by a race which the Persian Sovercontest have dispelled any fears that were eign and his nobles disdain. Were Russia based on the supposed greatness of Russian able to give any assistance to her vassal, we resources, and the power of that empire for believe that something more than the occuforeign conquest. It is, perhaps, rather a pation of Bushire would be necessary to give fortunate coincidence which draws the atten- weight to our representations. But, as things tion of the British people to Persian sub- are, it is probable that any sign of power and serviency and intrigue at a time when all the determination on our part would be sufficient relations between Russia and the civilized to make the Court of Teheran relapse into world are in a state of transition. The Shah at least the semblance of neutrality, and to has emerged from the neutrality which he make substantial reparation by restoring affected; he has committed an act which," the gate of India "to an independent Sovjustly or not, the Czar looks on as a benefit ereign. The present Sultan of Herat is said to himself and a blow to British domination; to be a drunkard and a coward, and it would but it may prove that in choosing this moment of action the Czar and his vassal have greatly

erred.

be advisable that so important a charge should be committed to abler hands. If not strong enough to stand alone, it might be We have, if we wish it, an opportunity of annexed to the Affghan dominion by a treaty dealing shortly with this ignorant and vacil- to which England should be a contracting lating State. We may, while the general Power. It would be well that, now an occaquestion of the East is debated by Europe, sion has arisen, the whole question of Cenfix for ourselves the future relations of Central Asia should be considered and discussed. tral Asia, and put an end to even the wildest hopes of Russian ambition or continental ill-will. Persia has now shown herself to be actively the instrument of a Power unfriendly to us. It is therefore within our just rights to interfere with moderation of tone, but determination of purpose. It has, perhaps, been a misfortune that hitherto Persia has been treated with rather too directly by the British Cabinet. The concerns of Central Asia have been dependent on the Foreignoffice, whose chiefs and agents are little acquainted with Eastern notions, and are only indirectly in correspondence with the Government which wields the largest and readiest force. It seems to us that British diplomacy in Persia should be directed rather from CalPUNCH AND JONATHAN. cutta than from London. The territory of the Shah belongs politically to the same catePUNCH has been, and perhaps still is, the gory as Affghanistan or the Punjab before its wisest periodical in England. And, moreconquest. The Persian knows only two great over (what is not always the case with wise

We have gone to war to insure the peace of the world by the integrity of the Ottoman State; there can be no harm that we should also demand that the domination of the Czar should cease to be extended at the expense of Persia, and even of the Central Asiatic despotisms. They deserve little at our hands, and it is not for their sakes that we interfere, but for the sake of general peace and the principle of resistance to lawless power. We trust soon to see the earnest remonstrances of the British Minister supported by the full authority of the new GovernorGeneral, and by the whole of that military organization of which the world has heard so much.