LEVAVI OCULOS. I CRIED to God, in trouble for my sin; But with my soul I know thee, O Great God; Full sure I am there is no joy in sin, O great good God, my pray'r is to neglect -Allingham's Day and Night Songs. From the Little Pilgrim, a Monthly Magazine for the Young, edited and published by Grace Greenwood (Mrs. Lippincott), Philadelphia. THE ROPE-WALK. BY HENRY W. LONGFELLOW. Is that building, long and low, Like the port-holes of a hulk, Dropping, each, a hempen bulk. Light the long and dusky lane; All its spokes are in my brain. Gleam the long threads in the sun; While within this brain of mine Cobwebs brighter and more fine By the busy wheel are spun. Two fair maidens in a swing, First before my vision pass; DCVII. LIVING AGE. VOL. XII. 8 Laughing, as their gentle hands Closely clasp the twisted strands, At their shadow on the grass. Then a booth of mountebanks, With its smell of tan and planks, And a girl poised high in air On a cord, in spangled dress,, With a faded loveliness, And a weary look of care. Then a homestead among farms, And a woman with bare arms, Drawing water from a well; As the bucket mounts apace, With it mounts her own fair face, As at some magician's spell. Then an old man in a tower Ringing loud the noontide hour, While the rope coils round and round, Almost lifts him from the ground. Blow, and sweep it from the earth! And an eager, upward look- And an angler by a brook. Ships rejoicing in the breeze, Anchors dragged through faithless sand; Sea-fog drifting overhead, And with lessening line and lead All these scenes do I behold, In that building long and low; And the spinners backward go. ON BOOKS. THE man that hath a library's full store And fructifies to-day, as Greece of yore, - Sonnets by Burghley. From The Athenæum. Miscellanies: Prose and Verse. By W. M. Ir is not our present purpose to enter critically into an examination of these "Miscellanies." Something has to be said about Mr. Thackeray-something in the way of analysis and appreciation — which has not yet been said, so far as we know. Republication of a series of separate works like these now undertaken, invites to the expression of opinion; and when the series is somewhat further advanced, we shall probably devote an article to Mr. Thackeray. At present, we confine ourselves to an announcement of this welcome collection of verse and prose, and to an illustration of the quality of the lesser works by means of a few extracts. All these writings, we infer, have appeared elsewhere-in magazines or reviews, and in the congenial columns of Punch. But we are not always sure of our mark. Why is it not declared in note or preface when and where such and such pieces were produced? In some cases, indeed, more than this record is needed. Much of Mr. Thackeray's poetry —and all the best of it—is fugitive in interest. It had its origin in police cases, in newspaper gossip, in anecdotes of the day; and although it dealt with these ephemera after a new and most merry fashion, it threw its mantle of squib, allusion, pun, and fancy over mean and perishable forms. Who remembers now the tale of "Jane Roney and Mary Brown"? Of the multitudes who laughed over the doleful "Ballad of Eliza Davis," when it first appeared in Punch, how many can recall the case at the Clerkenwell Police Court? A few lines, added as a foot-note, would have told the story, and › placed the reader in the position to understand and enjoy the witty words and humorous allusions of the ballad-singer. We quote a ballad from the collection. is autobiographical; and is entitled – It Confiding in my ample means In troth, I was a happy chiel! I borrowed from a friend so leal. I got the cash from grandmamma What matters? Here I am at Lille. To stealing I can never come, To pawn my watch I'm too genteel, How could I pawn it then at Lille? I dare not ask the bill at Lille. And is quite proud I stay at Lille. The best of meat and drink in Lille. I blush as red as cochineal; III. The sun bursts out in furious blaze, O! gracious gods, it makes me sick, And quit that ugly part of Lille. The church-door beggar whines and prays, Ah, church-door beggar! go thy ways! My heart is weary, my peace is gone, A stranger in the town of Lille. IV. SAY, shall I to yon Flemish church, Ye martyrs slain for mortal weal, And lo! as I beheld with awe A pictured saint (I swear 't is real) It smiled, and turned to grandmamma! It did! and I had hope in Lille ! 'Twas five o'clock, and I could eat, Although I could not pay my meal : I hasten back into the street Where lies my inn, the best in Lille. What see I on my table stand, — A letter with a well-known seal? 'T is grandmamma's! I know her hand, "To Mr. M. A. Titmarsh, Lille.” I feel a choking in my throat, -- And I'm no more in pawn in Lille ! [He goes off by the diligence that evening, and is restored to the bosom of his happy family.] Such a quotation should send many a reader in search of the volume whence it is drawn. Altogether, we may say, without forestalling the critical interest of such article as we propose to devote ere long to the consideration of Mr. Thackeray's place in the hierarchy of contemporary literature, that this reprint of "Miscellanies" is a good service done to the general public. Few books of this season are so sure of a wide and welcome acceptance. WASHINGTON, MEDAL OR COIN OF. - I have a gold coin in my possession, a rough sketch of which I inclose; and which, although much worn, is still of the full value of the American eagle, namely, ten dollars. On inquiring at the United States' mint in Philadelphia, a few years since, I found that, in the collection there of specimens of all the federal coins, none like this existed. It attracted much curiosity; but nothing of its history could be learned. A very intelligent officer of the institution informed me, that he conjectured it was stamped in Birmingham. The name of Washington, President, appearing upon it, renders it an object of greater interest; as it is generally understood, and believed, that while that distinguished man was President of the United States, learning that a coinage was about to be stamped at the mint, bearing his effigy, he immediately arrested the proceeding. A few copper coins had however been struck, which were never issued; and I believe are still preserved in the collection to which I have above referred. No gold or silver coin of the same stamp was ever struck in the United States of America. The coin in my possession was evidently intended for circulation. Its style of execution is rather rough, and the motto upon the scroll in the eagle's beak, “Unum e pluribus," is not correct; that upon the federal money having been, "E pluribus unum. If you can, through any of your readers, afford me any information touching the subject of my inquiry, you will greatly oblige G. A. MYERS. RICHMOND, VIRGINIA (U. S. A.). ham by Hancock, an engraver of dies of consid[This American piece was struck at Birmingerable talent. Of these pieces there are several varieties: one, without date on the obverse; on reverse, American eagle, shield on breast, olive branch in one claw, arrows in the other; above, stars, cloud, and "ONE CENT; edge, "UNITED STATES OF AMERICA;" below, "1791." Another, date under head, "1791; reverse, eagle as above, but larger; in beak a scroll, "UNUM E PLURIBUS;" above, "ONE CENT;" no stars, cloud, or date. Another, profile of Washington to the right, fillet round the head, no dress; legend as above; date "1792;" reverse, eagle with shield, olive and arrows; above," CENT. Edges of all the same. These are all of copper, and were said to have been patterns for an intended coinage, but not approved.]—Notes and Queries. From The Economist, 17 Nov. FOREIGN POLICY OF GREAT BRITAIN. NO. I. HAVE WE A FOREIGN POLICY? most eagerly sought for, and the London Gazette was the popular literature of the day. After a terrible conflict we came off conquerors, and the people instantly fell asleep to all foreign questions. While the THE interest which the English people trumpet which announced their crowning have taken in the foreign policy pursued by and conclusive victory was yet ringing in the nation has always been fitful and irreg- their ears, they turned aside from the divisular, subject to long intervals of slumber, ion of the spoil, devoted themselves to healbroken by transient and stormy awakenings. ing their wounds, paying their bills, examIn their moods of anger or ambition, they ining their family affairs, which had gone have clamored for war; in their moods of into dreadful disarray, and inquiring into weariness or reaction, they have clamored the abuses which had been accumulating for peace; but in either case without any during five and twenty years of strife; and fixed principle or any consistent line of left their Foreign Minister, uncontrolled and action. When excited by a supposed insult, unwatched, to treat and negotiate "at his or fired by the prospect of some imaginary own sweet will," to throw away some of glory, they have often exercised a vehement, the most precious fruits of victory, to join and generally a mischievous, pressure upon our allies in trampling upon right and justhe Government; but in ordinary times they tice, nationality and freedom, and to sacrihave been content to allow their Foreign fice, by the mode in which he administered Minister to pursue his own unquestioned our triumph, the lofty character which we way, rewarding him by popularity or pun-had earned in achieving it. Had the English ishing him with obloquy, not according to nation shown half the vigilance, half the his merits, but according to his fortune. When he dragged them into hostilities, they decreed him an ovation if the war was glorious, and drove him from power and murmured threats of impeachment if it was costly and fruitless; but of the proceedings which led to the quarrel they were commonly both ignorant and careless, and over the mode in which it was conducted, and the treaties by which it was terminated, they exercised no vigilance, and scarcely even a nominal supervision. courage, half the virtue, half the sense, in negotiating that it had shown in fightingor rather had John Bull instead of Lord Castlereagh been our representative at the Congress of Vienna, the settlement of Europe then effected would probably have been based upon far sounder principles, and destined to a far longer and more beneficent duration. From that date till the great convulsion of 1848-save for a brief interval in 1830 - the national interest in foreign politics slept in profound repose. The expulsion of This description has been especially appli- Charles X. from the throne of France, and cable during the last forty years. The war the events which that movement entailed or with Napoleon was one at once for safety suggested, aroused us for a moment; but and for supremacy often our empire, and the struggle for our own Reform Bill soon at one moment our independence, seemed at absorbed all our thoughts, and threw every stake. The mighty struggle aroused all the other subject into the shade. That great energies of the nation; with a patience and change inaugurated a long series of changcourage which had in it something singu- es; improvements, amounting to revolularly noble, they made the most gigantic tions, were effected, one after another, in all exertions, and submitted to the heaviest sac-branches of domestic policy, and all our rifices; and their efforts were never more interest, as all our energy, was concentrated strenuous, nor their resolution ever more at home. The Secretary for Foreign Affairs stubborn and immoveable, than when for- had an easy time of it; provided he got us tune was most hostile, and prospects most into no scrape, did not disturb our peace, or doubtful and most gloomy. Internal disputes lay in abeyance; domestic interests were neglected or put aside; domestic reforms were postponed to a more convenient season, and domestic reformers scouted as unpatriotic bores; any abuse was endured, and any demand on the part of the Government was granted; the one question overshadowed and excluded all others, and home concerns were entirely sacrificed to foreign considerations. The papers teemed with account of battles and sieges, the movements of regiments and ships constituted the news distract our attention, the country let him Our aware that we were not masters of the sub-| him to decide for one side or the other, and ject, and we supposed that Lord Palmerston puts his immature opinions to a cruel test. and Lord Aberdeen were; and, absorbed in Then the state of Europe had changed. business, in pleasure, or in progress, we were The old rules were no longer applicable. satisfied to leave our constitution in the The old relations had been wonderfully metahands of our regular physician, taking no morphosed. New sympathies and antipathies cognizance of our symptoms ourselves, and had arisen, often more powerful than the old treating as interested quacks all who endeav-ones. Our "natural enemy" had become ored to persuade us that we were insensibly going to the dogs. in one sense our inevitable friend. The nation we had combated as a despotic empire The astounding political earthquake of had been transmuted into a constitutional 1848 aroused us rudely from our lethargy, state with a real Parliament and a free press. but found us unprepared for, and therefore The nation which had been our fast ally in unequal to, the crisis. Sound to the very the Napoleonic wars held principles and carcore at home-safe in a harbor of freedom, ried out practices of policy, both external loyalty, and justice, which a generrtion had and domestic, which revolted every sentiment been spent in fortifying and enlarging of justice and humanity dear to English anchored, so far as regarded our internal hearts. The instinctive sympathies of peoples concerns, to moorings so steadfast that we had begun to interfere with and override the might securely ride out any storm, we were old rivalries and animosities of Courts. Thus yet, in all that regarded our foreign policy, it came about that not only had the notions utterly at sea, drifting along in the tempest of the various statesmen and parties in Engwithout compass and without chart. We land on foreign policy undergone a considerhad steersmen, but no principles to steer by. able, though an incomplete, change, but We had old traditions, but no living creed. these notions had come to be so utterly conThe ancient ideas and formulas had lost fused and discrepant that the nation could their vitality and their hold upon the nation's not be said to have any foreign policy at all. faith, and no new ones had yet risen up to The Old Tories, it is true, no longer maintake their place. What principles we had tained the propriety of interference in the were either in a moribund or an inchoate internal disputes and struggles of other state. Different statesmen had different countries; but in all conflicts between the notions as to what ought to be done in this subjects and the Sovereigns they gave their or that individual conjuncture, but these sympathy and countenance- silent but exnotions varied with the occasion, and the pressive-to the side of despotism. The special political combination of the time; Old Whigs, on the other hand, while scruthey were based upon no deep conviction, pulously observant of diplomatic decorums, upon no long-cherished aim; they were for looked with interest and favor upon the enthe most part a strange chaos of the imper- deavors of the people to obtain an extension fect old and the imperfect new. The truth of civil rights, as long as they kept clear of is, that during the long and instructive inter-insurrection, and marched in the regular val which had elapsed since the last war, ruts of constitutional encroachment. But thoughtful minds had been at work, and powerful pens had been busy, and eloquent voices had been active and persuasive; the lessons, sanguinary and dearly bought, of that fearful time, had been studied and turned to profit; a mine of new wisdom had been opened, but not worked out; the former doctrines had been thoroughly shaken, but their successors had not yet earned either full currency or general reception. The progress of liberal opinions at home had wrought a great, though insensible, change in our notions of the policy to be pursued in our international relations; but this change had not yet been wrought into a system, or even assumed an avowed form. The nation was much in the same condition as a politician whose views have been gradually diverging from those of the colleagues with whom he acts, but are still in a transition state, when some question suddenly arises which compels when revolution became the order of the day, they, like their rivals, shrunk back aghast; oceans of such stormy fierceness they had no charts to steer through chasms of that depth they had no plummets to fathom or to sound. Still, both parties might have carried on a not wholly inconsistent, though inactive, inglorious, and unserviceable policy, by keeping as aloof as possible from the elemental strife- the Tories muttering a timid "O fie" to the barbarities of despotism, the Whigs shaking their heads and looking grave over the excesses of insurgents; but for the clearer, louder voice of a third section, that of the more advanced Liberals, who proclaim their unhesitating sympathy with those in every land who strive and suffer for liberty and justice who hold that a large indulgence should be extended to the follies and the crimes of men whose cause is good and whose wrongs are great; and who |