almost literally just: for it would be difficult to select any among the state papers of that memorable period, better adapted, by the choice and illustration of its topics, to the purposes for which it was designed, or more remarkable for fervid, yet chaste and manly eloquence. It gave to Mr. Jay at once an ascendancy, which he never afterwards lost. Doubts were subsequently started respecting his claim to the honor of its authorship, by some, who chose to attribute it to Governor Livingston. That gentleman, however, with a becoming regard to truth and justice, voluntarily disclaimed it; and Mr. Jay, in a letter addressed in 1818 to the late President Adams, has stated all the circumstances connected with its preparation. Such a vindication was not required to prove his ability to compose it; there are many other evidences of his power.

It would lead us into too great minuteness of detail, to enumerate all the services rendered by Mr. Jay to the cause of his country during the early period of the Revolution, numerous and important as they certainly were. In such a period, the most effective labors are not always those which most adorn the page of history: in fact, where every thing is to be newly created and arranged, there are numberless details, which require the highest efforts of firmness and ability, without bringing the exhibition of these qualities very brilliantly before the public eye. The session of the first Congress terminated in six weeks after its commencement; but provision was made, before its dissolution, for the assembling of another on the 10th of the following May. With the view of securing a more full representation of the Colony, it was recommended to the people of New York to elect delegates to a Provincial Convention, for the special purpose of appointing representatives in the Continental Congress; and, in pursuance of this recommendation, the Convention met and reappointed Mr. Jay to his former office. In May, the Congress entered upon its second session, and proceeded to deliberate upon some of the most momentous questions, which men were ever summoned to decide. They saw that a contest of fearful import and of a duration which could not be foretold, was fast approaching; and they prepared to meet it with the confidence and energy of freemen. The first subject which demanded their attention, was the organization of the army. Some embarrassment having arisen in the nomination of the superior officers, after the appointment of Washington as chief, and it being considered

desirable that one should be selected from New Hampshire, the name of John Sullivan was suggested by Mr. Jay; and the result fully justified the wisdom of the choice. The task of preparing addresses to the people of Jamaica, Canada and Ireland, was properly confided by Congress to the writer of that to the people of Great Britain, and was executed by him with equal vigor and ability. With the exception of a short recess, the session continued through the year. Towards its close, a singular incident occurred, which threw a gleam of unexpected light over the prospects of the patriots, and which was thus related by Mr. Jay himself to his biographer.

'Sometime in the course of this year, probably about the month of November, Congress was informed that a foreigner was then in Philadelphia, who was desirous of making to them an important and confidential communication. This intimation having been several times repeated, a Committee, consisting of Mr. Jay, Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jefferson, was appointed to hear what the foreigner had to say. These gentlemen agreed to meet him in one of the Committee rooms in Carpenter's hall. At the time appointed they went there, and found already arrived an elderly lame gentleman, having the appearance of an old wounded French officer. They told him, they were authorized to receive his communication: upon which he said, that his Most Christian Majesty had heard with pleasure of the exertions made by the American Colonies in defence of their rights and privileges; that his majesty wished them success, and would, whenever it should be necessary, manifest more openly his friendly sentiments towards them. The Committee requested to know his authority for giving these friendly assurances. He answered only by drawing his hand across his throat and saying, “Gentlemen, I shall take care of my head." They then asked, what demonstrations of friendship they might expect from the king of France. "Gentlemen," answered the foreigner, if you want arms, you shall have them; if you want ammunition, you shall have it; if you want money, you shall have it." The Committee observed, that these assurances were indeed important, but again desired to know by what authority they were made. "Gentlemen," said he, repeating his former gesture, "I shall take care of my head;" and this was the only answer they could obtain from him. He was seen in Philadelphia no more. It was the opinion of the Committee, that he was a secret agent of the French court, directed to give these indirect assurances, but in such a manner that he might be disavowed, if necessary. Mr. Jay stated, that his communications were not without their effect

upon the proceedings of this Congress. This remark probably related to the appointment, on the 29th of November, of a secret committee, including Mr. Jay, for corresponding with the friends of America in Great Britain, Ireland, and other parts of the world.'

In April 1776, while he was engaged in the discharge of his duties as a member of the Continental Congress, Mr. Jay was elected by the people of the city and county of New York, a delegate to the Convention of the Colony. The situation of the Colony was then such, as required the utmost prudence on the part of the friends of the patriotic cause: there was little unanimity of sentiment among the people, and the tories were so numerous and powerful, as to render it quite hazardous to provoke them to resistance. But some decisive measures were absolutely necessary. As the Convention was the source from which the power of the New York delegates in Congress was derived, that body assumed the right of recalling them at pleasure: and accordingly directed Mr. Jay, without depriving him of his seat, to return in order to assist them in the task of organizing a new and efficient system of colonial government. In obedience to this command, he took his seat in the Convention in the latter part of May, and thus lost the honor of affixing his name to the Declaration of our National Independence, the state of affairs at home being so critical, as to render it inexpedient for him to return to Philadelphia in season for that purpose. The Convention was dissolved on the last day of May, after recommending to the people the convocation of a new one, invested with special authority to frame a constitution of government. On the 9thof July, the new Convention met, and on the very first day of the session, received from Congress a copy of the Declaration. Mr. Jay, who was again a member, immediately drafted a resolution, setting forth, that the reasons assigned in that memorable instrument for declaring the Independence of the Colonies were cogent and conclusive, and that the Convention were ready to sustain that measure at the hazard of their lives and fortunes. This resolution was adopted without a single dissenting voice, under circumstances peculiarly solemn and impressive, and calculated to show that it was formed with a full view of the consequences which might follow. The state of public affairs was then rapidly growing, as it not long afterwards became, exceedingly dark, and almost desperate. The

attempt to conquer Canada had failed; Washington, with his almost disheartened army, was slowly retreating through New Jersey; the city of New York, and other important portions of the Colony, lay completely at the mercy of the enemy; but under these accumulated discouragements, the Convention was firm and undismayed. Instead of temporizing, or listening to the proclamations with which the British General was laboring to bring them back to their allegiance, by repeated appeals to their interests or fear, the exigency of the crisis only inspired in them additional fortitude to meet it. They spoke to their fellow-citizens in a tone which, even at this hour, thrills the heart. Mr. Jay was the writer of the address in which their sentiments were embodied, and we cannot give a better idea of the spirit of that Roman band, than by quoting the paragraph, with which it closes.

'Do your duty like men and be persuaded that Providence will not suffer this Western world to be involved in the horrors of slavery. Consider, that from the earliest ages of the world, religion, liberty and reason have been bending their course towards the setting sun. The holy Gospels are yet to be preached to these Western regions; and we have the highest reason to believe, that the Almighty will not suffer slavery and the Gospel to go hand in hand. It cannot, it will not be.

'But if there be any among us, dead to all sense of honor, and love of their country; if deaf to all the calls of liberty, virtue and religion; if forgetful of the magnanimity of their ancestors, and the happiness of their children: if neither the examples nor the success of other nations,-the dictates of reason and of nature,or the great duties they owe to their God, themselves, and their posterity, have any effect upon them: if neither the injuries they have received, the prize they are contending for, the future blessings or curses of their children, the applause or the reproach of all mankind, or the happiness or misery consequent upon their conduct, in this and a future state, can move them : then let them be assured, that they deserve to be slaves, and are entitled to nothing but anguish and tribulation. Let them banish from their remembrance the reputation, the freedom and the happiness they have inherited from their forefathers. Let them forget every duty, human and divine: remember not that they have children, and beware how they call to mind the justice of the Supreme Being: let them go into captivity, like the idolatrous and disobedient Jews; and be a reproach and by-word among the nations. But we think better things of you; we believe and VOL. XXXVII. NO. 81.

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are persuaded that you will do your duty like men, and cheerfully refer your cause to the great and righteous Judge. If success crown your efforts, all the blessings of freemen will be your reward. If you fall in the contest, you will be happy with God in Heaven.'

We have thus far exhibited Mr. Jay in the character of a stern and devoted patriot; but, however rigid he might be in the discharge of his public duty, there was nothing of asperity or harshness in his heart. In a letter written about this time, and addressed to his friend Robert R. Livingston, afterwards Chancellor of New York, he observes;

'Amid the various sources of consolation in seasons of poignant distress, which the wise have long amused themselves and the world with, the little share of experience and observation which has fallen to my lot convinces me, that resignation to the dispensations of a benevolent as well as omnipotent Being, can alone administer relief. The sensations which the first paragraph of your letter has occasioned mock the force of philosophy, and I confess, have rendered me the sport of feelings, which you can more easily conceive than I express. Grief, if a weakness, is nevertheless on certain occasions amiable, and recommends itself by being in the train of the passions which follow virtue. But remember, my friend, that your country bleeds and calls for your exertions. The fate of those friends, whose misfortunes so justly afflict you, is linked with the common cause, and cannot have a separate issue. Rouse, therefore, and after vigorously discharging the duties you owe your country, return to your peaceful shades, and supply the place of your former joys, by the reflection that they are only removed to a more kindred soil, like flowers from a thorny wilderness, by a friendly florist, under whose care they will flourish and bloom, and court your embraces forever.'

In another letter, addressed to the same friend a few months afterwards, he says:

'I sympathize most sincerely with you, in your melancholy apprehension about your parents. I know and I can feel such a loss; but you draw your consolation from a never-failing source, which will enable you to bear this misfortune, whenever it may happen, with that resignation to the will of Heaven, which becomes one who is satisfied both of its wisdom and goodness. If we could shake off human frailty in the hour of affliction, we should certainly think it less reasonable to lament the death of a