peatedly urged if the Pagans themselves had been conscious of human sacrifices at their yearly festivals ? It is curious that the classical controversy now before us should have a direct bearing on the history of America, for it has been often debated, in reference to the accounts of early Mexico, how far the practice of human sacrifices can possibly coexist with any high degree of civilisation and refinement. Enclosure (A.) in Lord Mahon's Letter of December 26, 1847. Translation from the German of Dr. Gieseler's note, as it stands in the first editions of his Kirchen-Geschichte, vol. i. p. 26: According to Porphyry (De Abstinentiâ Carnis, ii. c. 36), human sacrifices among the divers nations ceased in the time of Hadrian; but even in Porphyry's own time (about 280 after Christ) a human being was immolated every year in Rome to Jupiter Latialis. Lactantius (about 300 after Christ), in his 'Divin. Inst.' i. c. 21, has these words:- Latialis Jupiter etiam nunc sanguine colitur humano.' Enclosure (B.) in Lord Mahon's Letter of December 26, 1847. "The following passage occurs in Porphyry (libri iv. De Abstinentia Carnis, περὶ ἀποχῆς ἐμψυχῶν), ed. de Fogerolles, Lugdun. 1620. See in that work lib. ii. p. 225. Καταλυθῆναι δὲ τὰς ἀνθρωποθυσίας σχεδὸν τὰς παρὰ πᾶσι· φησὶ Πάλλας (ὁ ἄριστα τὰ περὶ τῶν τὸν Μίθρα συναγαγὼν μυστηρίων) ἐφ' 'Αδριανοῦ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος. Εθύετο γὰρ καὶ ἐν Λαοδικείᾳ τῇ κατὰ Συρίαν τῇ ̓Αθηνᾷ κατ ̓ ἔτος παρθένος, νῦν δὲ ἔλαφος, κ. τ. λ. Αλλ ̓ ἔτι καὶ νῦν τις ἀγνοεῖ κατὰ τὴν μεγάλην πόλιν τῇ τοῦ Λατιαρίου Διὸς ἑορτῇ σφαζόμενον ἄνθρωπον ; The following (and much besides) respecting the life and character of Porphyry is told by Fabricius (Bibliotheca Græca, vol. iv. p. 181, ed. 1711):— "Porphyrius Tyrius fuit, patrio nomine Malchus Syrorum linguâ appellatus, discipulus Longini primum Athenis eruditissimi usque quaque viri Natus est anno Christi 233, obiit Romæ postremis annis Diocletiani Imperatoris . Licet quoque fuisset primitus Christianus ut Socrates (Hist. Eccles. lib. iii. c. 23) testatur et Augustinus (De Civitate Dei, lib. x. cap. 28) innuit, acerbus tamen postea ac vehemens Sacræ Religionis nostræ evasit hostis et insectator." Sir Robert Peel to Lord Mahon. December 26, 1847. In a letter to me upon another subject, dated the same day as mine (December 26, 1847), Sir Robert Peel adds, upon the question of human sacrifices : 1 Not perhaps a very usual | rightly rendered by Fogerolles, phrase in Greek, but no doubt 'pœne ex omni imperio." "What say you to the following passages in Livy and Suetonius? "Interim ex fatalibus libris sacrificia aliquot extraordinaria facta; inter quæ Gallus et Galla, Græcus et Græca, in foro boario sub terrâ vivi demissi sunt in locum saxo conseptum, jam ante hostiis humanis, minime Romano sacro, imbutum.' "Scribunt quidam trecentos ex dedititiis electos utriusque ordinis ad aram Divo Julio extructam Idibus Martiis hostiarum more mactatos.' "I do not know what was the precise assertion of Dr. Gieseler, or to what periods of Roman history he refers." Right Hon. T. B. Macaulay to Lord Mahon. DEAR LORD MAHON, Albany, December 27, 1847. I return the extract from Porphyry. It is very strong. But I am not convinced. I have spent half an hour in looking into my books, and I feel quite satisfied that there is no foundation for this Eastern story about the Italian worship. The best account of the origin of the feast of Jupiter Latiaris-otherwise called the Feriæ Latina-which I have found is in Dionysius. The object of the institution seems to have been political. The solemnity was common to all the cities of Latium, and was meant to bind them together in close alliance. The rites, says Dionysius, were celebrated in the Alban Mount. Every member of the confederation furnished a contingent towards the expenses. Now observe: Ταύτας τὰς ἑορτάς τε καὶ τὰς θυσίας μέχρι τῶν καθ ̓ ἡμᾶς χρόνων τελοῦσι Ρωμαῖοι, Λατίνας καλοῦντες· καὶ φέρουσιν εἰς ταύτας αἱ μετέχουσαι τῶν ἱερῶν πόλεις, αἱ μὲν, ἄρνας· αἱ δέ, τυροὺς· αἱ δὲ, γάλακτός τι μέτρον· αἱ δὲ ὅμοιόν τι τούτοις πελάνου γένος· ἑνὸς δὲ ταύρου κοινῶς ὑπὸ πασῶν δυομένου, μέρος ἑκάστη τὸ τεταγμένον λαμβάνει. Now can anybody believe that Dionysius, who had been at Rome, would have written thus if a human sacrifice had been part of the rite? You mentioned Cicero's strong expressions about the aversion of the Romans to human sacrifices; but observe that Cicero himself had officiated as Consul at the feast of Jupiter Lactinius. He described the solemnity incidentally in his poem on his own Consulship. You will find the passage in the first book 'De Divinatione.' He introduces Urania speaking to him : 66 Tu quoque cum tumulos Albano in monte nivales This mention of the milk exactly agrees with Dionysius's account. But can you believe that, on this occasion, Cicero sacrificed a man, and then described the ceremony as one performed læto lacte? In short, do you believe that Cicero ever sacrificed a man? I must stop. I have to preside at the Chelsea Board I return to you the enclosed letter from Mr. Macaulay. I doubt whether there is to be found among unprejudiced contemporary writers any evidence on which you could convict the Romans of offering human sacrifices during the classical times of Roman history. I think, if the practice had prevailed, there would have been such evidence. The Peregrina Sacra were in later times solemnized in Rome, but the Romans appear to have been adverse to their solemnization. I can find no evidence that human victims were offered at these Peregrina Sacra; and had they been offered, it is still more probable that conclusive evidence of the fact would have been left on record. I must at the same time observe that there are, among classical writers, many vague allusions to expiatory or propitiatory human sacrifices. In the cases of some offences-punishable by death— there appears to have been, in the earlier times of Rome, a tendency to offer up the victim of the law as a sacrifice to some God; at least to confound the notions of |