fess to them, plainly and unanimously, the impracticability of supporting our affairs on the present footing, and without a solid coercive union. I ask that the convention should have a power of vesting the whole or a part of the unoccupied lands in Congress, because it is necessary that body should have some property, as a fund for the arrangements of finance; and I know of no other kind that can be given them.

"The confederation, in my opinion, should give Congress a complete sovereignty; except as to that part of internal police which relates to the rights of property and life among individuals, and to raising money by internal taxes. It is necessary that every thing belonging to this should be regulated by the State legislatures. Congress should have complete sovereignty in all that relates to war, peace, trade, finance; and to the management of foreign affairs; the right of declaring war, of raising armies, officering, paying them, directing their motions in every respect; of equipping fleets, and doing the same with them; of building fortifications, arsenals, magazines, &c., &c.; of making peace on such conditions as they think proper; of regulating trade, determining with what countries it shall be carried on; granting indulgences; laying prohibitions on all the articles of export or import; imposing duties, granting bounties and premiums for raising, exporting, or importing; and applying to their own use the product of these duties, only giving credit to the States on whom they are raised in the general account of revenues and expense; instituting admiralty courts, &c.; of coining money, establishing banks on such terms, and with such privileges, as they think proper; appropriating funds, and doing whatever else relates to the operations of finance; transacting every thing with foreign nations; making alliances, offensive and defensive, treaties of commerce, &c., &c.

"The confederation should provide certain perpetual revenues, productive and easy of collection; a land tax, poll tax, or the like, which, together with the duties on trade, and the unlocated lands, would give Congress a substantial existence, and a stable foundation for their schemes of finance. What more supplies were necessary, should be occasionally demanded of the States, in the present mode of quotas.

"The second step I would recommend is, that Congress should instantly appoint the following great officers of state: A Secretary for Foreign Affairs; a President of War; a President of Marine; a Financier; a President of Trade; instead of this last, a Board of Trade may be preferable, as the regulations of trade are slow and guarded, and require prudence and experience, (more than other qualities,) for which Boards are very well adapted.

"Congress should choose for these offices, men of the first abilities, property, and character, in the continent; and such as have had the best opportunities of being acquainted with the several branches. General Schuyler, whom you mentioned, would make an excellent President of War; General McDougall a very good President of Marine; Mr. Robert Morris would have many things in his favor for the department of Finance. He could, by his own personal influence, give great weight to the measures he should adopt. I dare say, men equally capable may be found for the other departments.

"I know not if it would not be a good plan to let the Financier be President of the Board of Trade; but he should only have a casting voice in determining questions there. There is a connection between trade and finance, which ought to make the director of one acquainted with the other; but the financier should not direct the affairs VOL. II.-7

of trade, because for the sake of acquiring reputation by increasing the revenues, he might adopt measures that would depress trade. In what relates to finance he should be alone.

"These officers should have nearly the same powers and functions as those in France analogous to them, and each should be chief in his department, with subordinate Boards, composed of assistants, clerks, &c., to execute his orders.

"In my opinion, a plan of this kind would be of inconceivable utility to our affairs; its benefits would be very speedily felt. It would give new life and energy to the operations of government. Business would be conducted with despatch, method, and system. A million of abuses now existing would be corrected, and judicious plans would be formed and executed for the public good.

"Another step of immediate necessity is, to recruit the army for the war, or at least for three years. This must be done by a mode similar to that which is practised in Sweden. There the inhabitants are thrown into classes of sixteen, and when the sovereign wants men, each of these classes must furnish one. They raise a fixed sum of money, and if one of the class is willing to become a soldier, he receives the money and offers himself a volunteer; if none is found to do this, a draft is made, and he on whom the lot falls, receives the money, and is obliged to serve. The minds of the people are prepared for a thing of this kind; the heavy bounties they have been obliged to pay for men to serve a few months, must have disgusted them with this mode, and made them desirous of another, that will, once for all, answer the public purposes, and obviate a repetition of the demand. It ought by all means to be attempted; and Congress should frame a general plan, and press the execution upon the States. When the

confederation comes to be framed, it ought to provide for this, by a fundamental law; and hereafter there would be no doubt of the success. But we cannot now wait for this: we want to replace the men whose times of service will expire the first of January; for then, without this, we shall have no army remaining, and the enemy may do what they please. The general, in his letter already quoted, has assigned the most substantial reasons for paying immediate attention to this point.

"Congress should endeavor, both upon their credit in Europe, and by every possible exertion in this country, to provide clothing for their officers, and should abolish the whole system of State supplies. The making good the depreciation of the currency, and all other compensations to the army, should be immediately taken up by Congress, and not left to the States; if they would have the accounts of depreciation liquidated, and governmental certificates given for what is due, in specie, or an equivalent to specie, it would give satisfaction, appointing periodical settlements for future depreciation.

"The placing the officers upon half-pay, during life, would be a great stroke of policy, and would give Congres a stronger tie upon them than any thing else they can do. No man, that reflects a moment, but will prefer a permanent provision of this kind, to any temporary compensation; nor is it opposed to economy; the difference between this, and what has been already done, will be insignificant. The benefit of it to the widows, should be confined to those whose husbands die during the war. As to the survivors, not more than one-half, on the usual calculation of men's lives, will exceed the seven years for which the half-pay is already established. Besides this, whatever may be the visionary speculations of some men at this time, we shall find it indispensable, after the war,

to keep on foot a considerable body of troops; and all the officers retained for this purpose, must be deducted out of the half-pay list. If any one will take the pains to calculate the expense on these principles, I am persuaded he will find the addition of expense from the establishment proposed, by no means a national object.

"The advantages of securing the attachment of the army to Congress, and binding them to the service, by substantial ties, are immense.

"We should, then, have discipline; an army in reality, as well as in name. Congress would then have a solid basis of authority and consequence; for with me it is an axiom, that in our constitution an army is essential to the American union.

"The providing of supplies, is the pivot of every thing else; (though a well constituted army would not, in a small degree, conduce to this, by giving consistency and weight to government,) there are four ways, all which must be united,—a foreign loan,-heavy pecuniary taxes, —a tax in kind,—a bank founded on public and private credit.

"As to a foreign loan, I dare say, Congress are doing every thing in their power to obtain it. The most effectual way will be, to tell France that without it, we must make terms with Great Britain. This must be done with plainness and firmness, but with respect and without petulance; not as a menace, but as a candid declaration of our circumstances. We need not fear to be deserted by France; her interest and honor are too deeply involved in our fate; and she can make no possible compromise. She can assist us, if she is convinced it is absolutely necessary, either by lending us, herself, or by becoming our surety, or by influencing Spain. It has been to me astonishing, how any man could have doubted, at any period of our affairs, of